scholarly journals India and China in the Indian Ocean: Changing Dimensions of Maritime Strategy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anju Lis Kurian ◽  
◽  
C. Vinodan ◽  

In Asian and global power politics a maritime strategic angle concentrates on the value of fortifying and controlling sea lines of communications (SLOCs) for stability, economic growth, and development of nations. Consequently, both India and China are snooping to control SLOCs and safeguard their emergent and escalating worldwide interests. The advancement in and expansion of naval power satisfies the corresponding nationalist aspirations of Beijing and New Delhi. As a result, the development of their maritime capabilities would have a greater impact on the naval security architecture in the Indian Ocean. The hike in Chinese engagements across the Indian Ocean widely known as the String of Pearl’s stratagem is principally stimulated by a policy of maritime encirclement of India. Struggle to secure tactical energy resources which are quickly revolutionizing their navies could induce clashes and have major repercussions for global security affairs. Harmonious handling of both China’s and India’s cooperation will be crucial for regional as well as international peace and opulence shortly and everyone looks upon a fabulous Asia reflected in the world. Thus, this paper analyses the underlying factors that motivate both countries to have ambitious objectives in the Indian Ocean and could find out that securing energy is one of the driving forces in securing maritime dominance across the Indian Ocean.

Author(s):  
Jingdong Yuan

This chapter provides a perspective on China’s growing security presence in the Indian Ocean and the strategic imperatives behind it and then India’s responses to these initiatives. The author argues that despite the apparent threats this presence presents to India, there are approaches that India and China can explore to reduce the risk of conflict. Jingdong Yuan also reviews China’s growing security presence in the Indian Ocean and the strategic imperatives behind it and India’s responses to these initiatives. Yuan argues that it is imperative that policymakers in both New Delhi and Beijing make concerted efforts to ensure that these two emerging powers can manage, if not completely avoid, their overlapping interests and ever-closer encounters in the Indian Ocean.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
Punsara Amarasinghe

Abstract Sri Lanka’s foreign secretary’s statement indicating that Colombo would adopt “ India First” foreign policy appears to be a much-consoling phrase for the Indian diplomats. It is a fact beyond any dispute that New Delhi felt anxious about Sri Lanka’s extensive hobnobbing with China for years that has finally seen massive Chinese presence in the island nation. Given Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian ocean as a crucial hub in the Indian ocean governance, Colombo’s relations with Beijing have always created a tense situation in India. However, the newly elected president of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government’s novel approach to profess their foreign policy as India cantered doctrine raises some perplexity with the realpolitik caught by Sri Lanka. This paper seeks to examine the asymmetrical relationship that existed between Indian and Sri Lanka after the independence of both nations, wherein New Delhi used different means to carve Sri Lanka’s external relations for the best interests of India. Furthermore, this paper analyses the unequal position Sri Lanka has been facing as a small nation located near a ricing global power and how Sri Lanka struggles to balance both India and China in their rivalry in the Indian Ocean. The results emerge from this paper will reveal the impossibility of upholding neutrality for a small state before complex geopolitical power struggles.


China and India are fast emerging as major maritime powers of the Indo-Pacific. As their wealth, power, and interests expand, they are increasingly coming into contact with each other in the maritime domain. How India and China get along in the shared Indo-Pacific maritime space—cooperation, coexistence, competition, or confrontation—may be one of the key strategic challenges for the region in the twenty-first century. The relationship between these powers is sometimes a difficult one: in particular, their security relationship is relatively volatile and there are numerous unresolved issues. Not least is China’s growing presence in the Indian Ocean where it is perceived in New Delhi to be shaping the strategic environment and forming alignments that could be used against India....


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime�s �choke-point� passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca�s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing �Malacca dilemma� regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of �string of pearls� and the modernization of of People�s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China�s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina�s development. This paper will analyze the development of China�s dan India�s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China�s maritime strategy, India�s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 56-66
Author(s):  
Fakhr Ul Munir ◽  
SanaUllah ◽  
Anila

India and China are the world's fast mounting economies influencing global politics affecting 2.5 billion of their subjects via their policies. Both states account for one-fifth of the total populace of the globe. Asia's overall progress, peace, prosperity and stability is directly influenced by the relations of these two Asian competitors. It is anticipated that by 2025, these states would be world's economies. However, bilateral disputes and enmity wield greater regional and global implications, which are intensely required to be resolved for the best and prosperous future. One of the most crucial aspects aggravating Sino-Indian relations is the asylum given to Dalai Lama and the status of Tibet. China has been assisting Pakistan economically and technically to build Gwadar Port, supporting Sri Lankan northern Hambantota Port, extending sustenance to Bangladesh's Chittagong Port, and furthering support to the Myanmar Port lying at the coastal region of the Indian Ocean. However, the strained relations for decades between India and China had given little space for healthy trade, increasing from 3 billion $ in 2000 to 20 billion $ in 2010.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

China and India’s long-standing border disputes have defied settlement and frequently disrupted their relations. This chapter considers the background to the disputes, and how India and China have gradually de-escalated the conflict since the Sino-Indian 1962 border war. In this context it also looks at how the sensitive issue of Tibet has been exploited by the US in creating problems for China since 1949. The chapter concludes that overall the issues that have been flagged for conflict between India and China – the borders, the Indian Ocean, India’s trade deficit with China – are better addressed through collaboration than conflict, leading India to stand aloof from the US’s new Cold War strategies towards China.


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