Promoting engagement with social fact-checks online

Social corrections, wherein social media users correct one another, are an important mechanism for debunking online misinformation. But users who post misinformation only rarely engage with social corrections, instead typically choosing to ignore them. Here, we investigate how the social relationship between the corrector and corrected user affect the willingness to engage with corrective, debunking messages. We explore two key dimensions: (i) partisan agreement with, and (ii) social relationships between the user and the corrector. We conducted a randomized field experiment with Twitter users and a conceptual replication survey experiment with Amazon Mechanical Turk workers in which posts containing false news were corrected. We varied whether the corrector identified as a Democrat or Republican; and whether the corrector followed the user and liked three of their tweets the day before issuing the correction (creating a minimal social relationship). Surprisingly, we did not find evidence that shared partisanship increased a user’s probability of engaging with the correction. Conversely, forming a minimal social connection significantly increased engagement rate. A second survey experiment found that minimal social relationships foster a general norm of responding, such that people feel more obligated to respond – and think others expect them to respond more – to people who follow them, even outside the context of misinformation correction. These results emphasize social media’s ability to foster engagement with corrections via minimal social relationships, and have implications for effective, engaging fact-check delivery online.

Music Education and Utopia

This chapter applies the ideas developed in the previous chapters to music education theory and practice. It presents utopia as method in music education, emphasizing its meaning as a hermeneutic, visionary, and exploratory tool. This leads to reconceptualizing music education as utopian theory and practice regarding two different approaches of music education: politically or socially responsive music education and esthetic music education. They represent two sides of music and music education, which need each other regarding political engagement and musical autonomy, being based on music as social fact or as existing for its own sake. This reconceptualization helps to overcome a long-standing dichotomy in international music education.

A Critique of Sanskritization from Dalit/Caste-Subaltern Perspective

Students and social scientists concerned with caste studies will agree to a socio-cultural phenomenon called Sanskritization among people of caste communities that are not recognized as belonging to castes primarily affiliated to either of the three varnas of Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya. What is Sanskritization? Following M. N. Srinivas, who put forward the concept of Sanskritization in Religion and Society among the Coorges of South India (1952) to explain upward social movement (?) among Hindu tribal groups or ‘lower’ caste groups imitating and gradually incorporating ‘upper’ caste people’s social, cultural behaviour, rituals, customs, and religious practices, there exist an array of works deliberating upon this collective behavioural instance called Sanskritization (Beteille, 1969; Gould, 1961; Patwardhan, 1973; Sachchidananda, 1977; Lynch, 1974). These studies have generally accepted Sanskritization as an effective tool for cultural integration between different caste groups by ensuring movements of people across caste barriers; in other words, Sanskritization spells a common idiom of social mobility (Beteille, 1969, p. 116). This paper does not support the view that Sanskritization has been an effective socio-cultural instrument in moving towards a society that does not swear by caste-principles. Rather, Sanskritization, a concrete social fact among the ‘lower’ castes people, seems to obliquely prove the productive logic of caste through the imitation of the Brahmin. Following Gramsci’s conceptualisation of the necessity of a subaltern initiative in any counter-hegemony project, the paper further argues that Sanskritization is regressive to the extent that it is antithetical to any such subaltern political initiative against caste.

Colonial Modernity and Diffusion of Power: Identity and Community Formation among Mappilas of Malabar

This paper explores colonial modernity and the knowledge system’s role in constituting community formation among the Mappilas of Malabar. Colonial modernity, such as the introduction of printing, made this transformation more advanced and communitarian in structure. It also discusses colonialism as a force to reshape and bring socio-cultural changes in Malabar during the time. It argues that the existence of a clearly defined community is not a predetermined social fact; it looks at how the Mappilas were represented in an analytical category. In Malabar, the press and literature have played an essential role in framing community consciousness among Mappila society. Print media has brought a revolution in the transmission of knowledge. This paper will encompass the coming of the printing press and the moulding of community consciousness among the Mappilas of Malabar. It discusses the discursive and non-discursive practices of the colonial state for constructing various identities in Malabar.

The Gift of The Nation

In order to question the modernist common sense of mainstream sociology, epitomised today by the charge of methodological nationalism, this article offers an overall reading of Marcel Mauss’s The Nation. Conceived during the Great War and written mainly in 1920, Mauss’s work radically re-examined both the nation and nationalism from a regenerated sociological viewpoint centered on the relations between societies. Distinguishing between partial relations of exchange and total relations of encounter, Mauss came to discover the gift as a total social fact, seeing it as the traditional unconscious spring of the federative dynamics that had to be reactivated in Europe to associate its nations in a great ‘Inter-nation’ and avoid the risk of a new total war. The Nation, by reviving the original ambition of Émile Durkheim’s sociology to be a way rethinking and reshaping the concepts and institutions of modernity, helps us explore the contradictions and pathologies involved in the concept and history of the nation, in a situation currently marked by the return of nationalism and the quest for a social Europe.

Better and Lesser Catalans?

The paper analyses the relationships between the teams and supporters of FC Barcelona and RCD Espanyol Barcelona, in which the dispute concerning Catalanness has been and remains the foremost issue. FC Barcelona is widely considered an ambassador of Catalonia, a symbol of Catalanness and the epitome of Catalanism as embodied through football. Espanyol, its local rival, has to face allegations of being a non-Catalan club, or an outgrowth of Real Madrid in Barcelona. While Barça is the club in which one “does politics” and with which one creates Catalonia (fer Catalunya), it is emphasized that Espanyol and its supporters are not involved in politics and the Catalan national effort. A perennial feud continues between the boards and fans of both clubs; historical, identity-related and ethnic arguments are invoked to demonstrate the Catalanness of one side (FC Barcelona) and its incompleteness or even utter absence in the other (RCD Espanyol). The analysis conducted in the paper shows that FC Barcelona’s exclusive Catalanness and right to represent Catalonia is a historical and social fact, but it has been challenged recently by Espanyol through the Catalanization the club undertook in mid-1990s and a series of public campaigns to undermine the hegemony of Barça in the city and the region. Espanyol is the active side in the contest to overcome FC Barcelona’s monopoly on representing Catalonia, while Barcelona itself focuses on retaining its previous status. The study demonstrates that both clubs are in fact polysemous, which means that Espanyol has supporters who feel first and foremost Catalans and espouse Catalan independence, while avowed opponents of the same idea can be found among the supporters of the Blaugrana, although the club is primarily Spanish and not only Catalan.

LES SUICIDES DES AGRICULTEURS: POUR UNE EXPLICATION PLURICAUSALE DE CE FAIT SOCIAL THE SUICIDES OF FARMERS. FOR A PLURICAUSAL EXPLANATION OF THIS SOCIAL FACT

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Classicising ‘Pindar’: Quotation, Canonisation and Early Reception

This essay examines the earliest quotations of Pindar in order to shed light on the social and historical dynamics through which he first emerged as a classic author. Pindaric quotations from the classical period point to his stratified and multi-faceted reception: as a figure within popular memory, as an emblem of elite culture and as an intellectual ancestor. Indeed, a capacity to appeal to different audiences for different but interconnected reasons was integral to his canonisation. The earliest Pindaric quotations already bespeak his culturally privileged status, which was expressed and perpetuated in different ways over the centuries but which was established as a social fact from remarkably early on. A search for the deepest roots of the classicisation of Pindar, it is argued, has to go all the way back to his poetry.