A Critique of Sanskritization from Dalit/Caste-Subaltern Perspective

Students and social scientists concerned with caste studies will agree to a socio-cultural phenomenon called Sanskritization among people of caste communities that are not recognized as belonging to castes primarily affiliated to either of the three varnas of Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya. What is Sanskritization? Following M. N. Srinivas, who put forward the concept of Sanskritization in Religion and Society among the Coorges of South India (1952) to explain upward social movement (?) among Hindu tribal groups or ‘lower’ caste groups imitating and gradually incorporating ‘upper’ caste people’s social, cultural behaviour, rituals, customs, and religious practices, there exist an array of works deliberating upon this collective behavioural instance called Sanskritization (Beteille, 1969; Gould, 1961; Patwardhan, 1973; Sachchidananda, 1977; Lynch, 1974). These studies have generally accepted Sanskritization as an effective tool for cultural integration between different caste groups by ensuring movements of people across caste barriers; in other words, Sanskritization spells a common idiom of social mobility (Beteille, 1969, p. 116). This paper does not support the view that Sanskritization has been an effective socio-cultural instrument in moving towards a society that does not swear by caste-principles. Rather, Sanskritization, a concrete social fact among the ‘lower’ castes people, seems to obliquely prove the productive logic of caste through the imitation of the Brahmin. Following Gramsci’s conceptualisation of the necessity of a subaltern initiative in any counter-hegemony project, the paper further argues that Sanskritization is regressive to the extent that it is antithetical to any such subaltern political initiative against caste.

Citizenship as Politics and Performance of Religious Identity: Hindu Refugees from Sindh

Drawing from the ethnographic insights and experiences of Pakistani Hindu refugees in Rajasthan, India, this article examines their agency, politics and dilemmas. It illustrates how they actively participate in the process of their ‘becoming citizens’ by making use of the majoritarian political space and nationalist ‘Hindu India’ imagery. Their expressions of a cohesive Hindu identity, however, remain illusionary and incomplete as they do not correspond with the lived realities of fractures, antagonisms and heterogeneities within various Hindu communities. These differentiations also lay open the hierarchies within Hindu refugees and enable an analysis of citizenship as a continued, contested and differentiated process based on caste and class locations of the refugees. For the lower-caste/-class refugees, their citizenship assertions go beyond the point of acquiring legal citizenship and merges with the struggles of native Dalits. Through these variegated expressions and claims of citizenship of Hindu refugees, this article foregrounds the idea of citizenship as performative and processual, and not necessarily contingent on legal status or state’s sovereignty logic of citizen/non-citizen binary.

The Identity Crisis of Bengali Dalit Refugees in Manoranjan Byapari’s Autobiography Interrogating My Chandal Life

Manoranjan Byapari is a famous Bengali Dalit writer whose family migrated from East Pakistan and took shelter in a refugee camp in West Bengal. In his autobiography Interrogating My Chandal Life, Byapari has given an account of Bengali Dalits’ victimization on the basis of caste in the pre-Partition Bengal and post-Partition West Bengal. In colonial Bengal, Dalits were known as Chandal or Untouchables. In 1911, their identity was recognized as Namashudras. After migrating to West Bengal, they were identified as Bangal and Dalit refugee. West Bengal and central governments did not warmly welcome the Namashudra refugees. They were sent to refugee camps which were crowded, unhygienic and did not provide adequate dole. Later they were sent to Andaman, Dandakaranya and other parts of India for their rehabilitation. In this dire situation, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) appeared as the Messiah to the Dalits and protested against the rehabilitation policy of the ruling government. The fake sympathy of the communist party had been revealed when they came in power in 1977 in West Bengal. Most of the communist leaders were upper-caste Hindus. In 1979, communist government secretly massacred the Namashudra refugees who were settled on the Marichjhapi Island. The state sponsored murder of Dalits remained undiscovered for many years. This study will examine the impacts of the Partition of Bengal on Dalits. It will further address how the state government provided different treatment to the Namashudra refugees for their lower caste identity.

Exploring Gender and Caste Intersectionality among Muslims: A Sociological Study

Aim Caste studies conducted among Muslims in India generally focus on establishing the existence of caste system among Muslims but they seldom talk about different types of oppression and inequalities faced byMuslim women.This empirical study exploreshow gender and caste identities and their mutual intersectionality impact education,occupation and income choices and actual attainments of Muslim women. Methods This study is part of a larger study conducted among Muslims of Kashmir in India.Primary datawas collected from 704 eligible respondents (Male=392, Female=312) using mixed methods. Three layers of ‘caste like’ and ‘caste’ groups existing in the research area are identified and gender situation within these groups are comparatively examined. Results Each of the ‘caste like’ and ‘caste’ groupshas patriarchal caste capital.Higher professions within the government and private services are largely acquired by upper caste male Muslims or other male and female Muslims having rich cultural and social capital. There is preponderance of lower caste male Muslims in low income self-employment but lower caste Muslim females seldom find say in family based business and compelled to join low paid private jobs. More than fifty percent educated Muslim females are unemployed. Conclusion Although patriarchy is the general rule here, not all women face discrimination and inequality in the same way. Upper caste Muslim women often witness so called benevolent restriction of choices whereas lower caste women are the most excluded and marginalised section of the society who face double discrimination due to patriarchy and interwoven caste positions which severely impacts their educational as well as employment choices and attainments.

The Subaltern Voice in Sree Moolam Praja Sabha

Sree Moolam Thirunaal Rama Varma, the ruling Maharaja of the Indian state of Travancore, instituted Sree Moolam Praja Sabha, also known as Sree Moolam Popular Assembly on 1 October 1904. The representatives of Sree Moolam Praja Sabha were selected from every section of society to address their grievances. Sree Moolam Sabha mainly consisted of landlords, merchants and their representatives. Those days, then existing social customs prevented the lower-caste people or the subaltern communities from participating in the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha. In the initial phase, there were representatives from each religion and caste, except the subaltern groups. Later, the Diwan attempted to include Dalits and other minority communities in the process of policy formulation as well as providing them with an essential role in their community development. Mahakavi Kumaran Asan, one of the triumvirate poets of modern Kerala was the nominated member of Sree Moolam Sabha, and he was one of the disciples of Sree Narayana Guru. Ayyankali was nominated to Sree Moolam Popular Assembly in 1912 because of his popularity among subaltern communities in the Thiruvithamkoore Kingdom. He had a record of being a nominated member in a legislative assembly for a consequtive period of 27 years, from 1912 to 1939, even before Independence. Ayyankali was the first Dalit representative who was nominatedto India’s first state (legislative) assembly, especially during the pre-independence period.

Witchcraft allegations and untouchability as forms of violence upon women in Nepal: A 7-year study

The Nepalese constitution guarantees equal rights to both men and women regardless of caste, race, or ethnicity. However, the centuries-old superstitious practice of caste-based hierarchy in the Hindu community and discrimination against people of lower caste are still prevalent. Furthermore, witchcraft allegations are also not uncommon. Both these practices are derogatory and humiliating and violate human rights, and the law can penalise them in both instances. Due to the intersection of gender and caste, women often face multiple forms of discrimination and violence as the patriarchal society considers them a weaker gender. The present study aimed to see the trend of crimes upon women reported by Nepal Police in the form of witchcraft allegations and untouchability between the fiscal years 2013/14 and 2019/20.

Caste Microaggression: A Barrier to Lower Affective Filter and to Promote Inclusivityin the Classroom

This article explores the impact of caste microaggressions in classroom activitiesin the countries like Nepal. It focuses on the study of how caste microaggressions are barriers to lower affective filter and promote inclusivity in the classroom. This is a review article based on qualitative research in which the ideas are derived from different secondary sources and are arranged to support how lower-caste students are the victim of caste microaggressions in Nepali society. This article shows that the students of lower-caste families, especially the Dalits, are greatly victimized by discriminatory activities in the schools of rural areas of Nepal. To promote inclusivity and to encourage lower-caste children in learning activities, it is essential to avoid caste microaggression and to emotionally engage such students in classroom activities that have to be initiated by the teachers primarily.

Reinterpreting the Relationship between the Caste System and Marxism

In India, sixty years ago it was irrefutable that the structure of the caste system paralleled the Marxist view of class organization, in terms of the lower castes' lack of vertical mobility, dependence on hereditary division of labour, and deficiency of capital and land. In fact, since its emergence in 1964, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) has maintained that it would be in the best interest of lower caste individuals to support a Marxist agenda to launch nationwide class struggle to free themselves from the shackles of the caste system. It is also true that, in the 1970s, 85% percent of lower caste individuals made up the bottom 35% of India’s financial ladder, leading to the quotidian Marxian argument that the lower castes can be equated to the proletariat of Western Society. While these arguments might have some truth to them, this essay will explore why India, over the last sixty years, has endured too great of a reformation in terms of the caste system to simply be equated to the Marxist class organization. The disparity between the negativism of the CPI(M) and the current extent of oppression of the lower caste is shown, through the exploration of logical incorencies on the part of the CPI(M) and the lower caste perception of the policies directed at them by both left and right-wing political parties. Furthermore, it is established why the notion of an entire Marxist class revolution no longer has political appeal amongst the lower caste: the reservations and affirmative action on the part of the current administration. Yet it is still conceded that, although used in an orthogonally different manner, the Marxist framework can, to a certain extent, still be applied to current organization of the caste system in India.

‘Onesimus to Philemon’: Runaway Slaves and Religious Conversion in Colonial ‘Kerala’, India, 1816–1855

Several theories emerged, based on the Christian conversion of lower caste communities in colonial India. The social and economic aspects predominate the study of religious conversion among the lower castes in Kerala. Most of these studies only explored the lower caste conversion after the legal abolition of slavery in Kerala (1855). The existing literature followed the mass movement phenomena. These studies ignore the slave lifeworld and conversion history before the abolition period, and they argued, through religious conversion, the former slave castes began breaking social and caste hierarchy with the help of Protestant Christianity. The dominant Dalit Christian historiography does not open the complexity of slave Christian past. Against this background, this paper explores the history of slave caste conversion before the abolition period. From the colonial period, the missionary writings bear out that the slaves were hostile to and suspicious of new religions. They accepted Christianity only cautiously. It was a conscious choice, even as many Dalits refused Christian teachings.

Hindutva Philosophy Reinforcement by the rss/bjp against Minorities and the Economic Performance of Narendra Modi’s Government in India

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a controversial figure and has polarised public debate for over a decade. He is criticised for the decline in growth rate and increase in unemployment rate. It has been five years since the Modi-led Bhartiya Janata Party (bjp) came to power, so analysing the economic performance and extremist religious behaviour of the Modi-led bjp/rss (Rastriya Sevak Sangh) is interesting. This article discusses the non-conventional views on the economic performance of the government in India, and the ideology of Hindutva and hatred towards religious minorities. This deep-rooted hatred of religious minorities and the lower caste is the core philosophy of Hindutva and is followed by the bjp and rss. Under the shadow of the rss, the Modi government has focused on Hindutva rather than the economy and the people, which has been the most important factor in the economic decline of India.