Chartism’s moral politics and improvement culture were strategic interventions rather than dilutions of the movement’s objectives and aspirations. Those Chartist leaders who turned to the politics of improvement did so to build the movement towards a position of Radical working-class hegemony. In the process, this moral politics and its associated culture would grapple with and thereby alleviate social grievances in a way that did not incorporate the plotting and revolutionary violence which had failed in 1839. However, this approach proved to be problematic. It abandoned much of an established Radical culture that clearly was capable of enticing mass support (including, significantly, many women, not just as wives and mothers but as wage labourers), turned to regressive ideas about sexuality and the family, and opened up the dangerous possibility that the working class could be divided along lines of moral entitlement or intellectual attainment. It also possessed a degree of intellectual and strategic incoherence and circularity. Advocates of improvement in the 1840s were clear that it did ...