Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia
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Published By LP2M Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

2407-1870

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Riana Mardila

Abstract. It is now 48 years from the declaration of 1982 Burma Citizenship Law. A law that legally denied the citizenship of (Muslim) Rohingya in Myanmar. It means also that for 48 years (Muslim) Rohingya remains stateless. Their fight over citizenship then becomes a global, or at least a regional challenge in International Relations sphere. In one aspect, their attempt in finding asylum to other countries at some point threaten the (arrival) state’ security. However, in another side, they also fight for their (human) security or even so (human)rights. Both securities are equally important. This article is more an introduction to the Human Security concept that was first initiated in 1994. It starts with a simple question on “how does Human Security explain the issue of Rohingya?” It seeks for key points that Human Security can explain by reflecting on Rohingya as the case study. It aims to give a bigger picture of this conflict interpreted by Human Security concept. Finally, as we are living in the globalization era, this issue is not only a state or regional challenge, but also a global challenge where IR actors can take responsibilities in helping and solving this human insecurity issue. Keywords: Rohingya; Human Security. Abstrak. Telah berlangsung 48 tahun sejak deklarasi Undang-undang Kewarganegaraan Burma 1982. Sebuah undang-undang yang secara hukum menolak kewarganegaraan (Muslim) Rohingya di Myanmar. Itu juga berarti bahwa selama 48 tahun (Muslim) Rohingya tetap tanpa kewarganegaraan. Perjuangan mereka atas kewarganegaraan kemudian menjadi tantangan global, atau setidaknya tantangan regional dalam ranah Hubungan Internasional. Di satu aspek, upaya mereka untuk mencari suaka ke negara lain pada titik tertentu mengancam keamanan (kedatangan) negara. Namun di sisi lain, mereka juga memperjuangkan keamanan (manusia) atau bahkan lebih (hak asasi manusia). Kedua sekuritas itu sama pentingnya. Artikel ini lebih merupakan pengenalan tentang konsep Keamanan Manusia yang pertama kali dimulai pada tahun 1994. Artikel ini dimulai dengan pertanyaan sederhana tentang "bagaimana Keamanan Manusia menjelaskan masalah Rohingya?" Ini mencari poin-poin penting yang dapat dijelaskan oleh Human Security dengan merefleksikan Rohingya sebagai studi kasus. Hal ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran yang lebih besar tentang konflik yang ditafsirkan oleh konsep Human Security. Terakhir, saat kita hidup di era globalisasi, masalah ini tidak hanya menjadi tantangan negara atau regional, tetapi juga tantangan global di mana para aktor IR dapat mengambil tanggung jawab dalam membantu dan menyelesaikan masalah ketidakamanan manusia ini.Kata Kunci. Rohingya; Keamanan Manusia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Saifudin Asrori

Abstract. Positioning a pesantren in a series of continuum lines between liberals and conservatives, based on critical interpretations of religious texts as opposed to rigid and liberal understandings, is a misunderstanding of the landscape of religious moderation. This article elaborates on the complex process of Islamic boarding school understanding and practice in the midst of a religious shift towards a conservative direction. Through literature study based on a reading model based on maslahah on religious texts and the essence of religious texts based on the plurality of views of the schools of thought conducted by the Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. This article concludes that through preserving values through Pancajiwa and the motto of the pesantren, the integration between formal and informal curricula places Gontor's position as a moderate educational institution.Keywords: Islamic Moderation, Maslah, curriculum, PMDG, Indonesia. Abstrak. Memposisikan sebuah pesantren dalam rangkaian garis kontinum antara liberal dan konservatif, berdasarkan penafsiran kritis atas teks keagamaan sebagai lawan pemahaman kaku dan liberal, menjadi salah upaya memahami lanskap moderasi keagamaan. Artikel ini mengelaborasi proses kompleks pemahaman dan praktik keagamaan pesantren di tenggah pergeseran keagamaan ke arah konservatif. Melalui studi pustaka berdasarkan model pembacaan berdasarkan maslahah atas teks-teks keagamaan dan inti dari teks keagamaan berdasarkan pluralitas pandangan madzhab yang dilakukan oleh Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa nilai-nilai dilestarikan melalui pancajiwa dan motto pesantren, intergrasi antara kurikulum formal dan informal menempatkan posisi Gontor sebagai lembaga pendidikan yang moderat. Kata Kunci: Moderasi Islam; Maslahah; Kurikulum; PMDG; Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
Muhammad Amin

Aksi Bela Islam movement showed the ‘umat’ power involve democratization in Indonesia as a third big of democracy state in the world. Social movement that have characteristic such as solidarity for a same resistance showed by aksi Bela Islam movement fascinately. But, many accusation that this action contain political, make some big Islamic organization said that they not involved in this action directly, one of the organization is Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah is an Islamic organization be known by his role in education, health and social serviced, still should take the role as one of civil society power in the condition of ‘umat’ in Indonesia at that time. This draft analyze that how the Muhammadiyah take his different gesture and way by said not involved indirectly in organization. Using resources mobilization theory that one of factor in social movement, was found that Muhammadiyah’s resources participate in social movement that materialized by Aksi Bela Islam. The member of Muhammadiyah, the facilities, and figure from some leader of Muhammadiyah participating of succes the Aksi Bela Islam movement. Muhammadiyah just take different way roled as civil society by involved indirectly in social movement with others Islamic organization. The research is using qualitative method.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Laode Harjudin

Abstract. This study discusses the political process relating to the issue of presidential prerogative control with an emphasis on the views and interests of the actors involved in discussing the issue. This study explains two main questions, namely how the actualization of presidential prerogative powers in Indonesia's presidential system after the constitutional amendment and what is behind the ambivalence of the president's prerogative power formulation in Indonesia's presidential system after the constitutional amendment. This study finds that constitutional amendments related to the president's prerogatives show ambivalence that distorts the prerogative meaning itself and is not strict between limiting or actually expanding the president's power. This happens because of the tug-of-war between legislative and executive interests. Behind the issue of controlling the president's prerogative powers, there is the interest of legislative institutions to equalize power with the president. Instead, the executive seeks to maintain or extend the president’s prerogative power.Keywords: Prerogative Power; Presidential; Amendment of Constitutions.Abstrak. Studi ini membahas proses politik berkaitan dengan isu pengendalian prerogatif presiden dengan penekanan pada pandangan dan kepentingan para aktor yang terlibat dalam pembahasan isu tersebut. Studi in menjelaskan dua pertanyaan pokok: (1) Bagaimana aktualisasi kekuasaan prerogatif presiden dalam sistem presidensial Indonesia pasca amandemen konstitusi? (2) Apa yang melatarbelakangi ambivalensi rumusan kekuasaan prerogatif presiden dalam sistem presidensial Indonesia pasca amandemen konstitusi? Hasil studi inii menemukan bahwa amandemen konstitusi terkait dengan prerogatif presiden menampakkan ambivalensi yang mendistorsi makna prerogatif itu sendiri dan tidak tegas antara membatasi atau justru memperluas kekuasaan presiden. Hal ini terjadi karena adanya tarik menarik antara kepentingan legislatif dan eksekutif. Di balik isu pengendalian kekuasaan prerogatif presiden, ada kepentingan institusi legislatif untuk menyetarakan kekuasaan dengan presiden. Sebaliknya, pihak eksekutif berupaya untuk mempertahankan atau mempeluas kekuasaan prerogatif presiden.Kata Kunci: Kekuasaan Prerogatif; Presidensial; Amandemen Konstitusi.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Ari Rochmah

Abstract: This article aims to analyze the raft of Dakwah Syariah Radio (RDS FM) as one of the radio stations of Islamic radical movement in Solo, on mobilizing for the 'Bela Islam' actions both in Solo and Jakarta from Islamic Populism perspective. Vedi Hadiz defines Islamic populism as an asymmetrical social class movement, even with class interests that may be antagonistic and different levels of using Islam as a shared identity. To that end, the populist Islamic movement becomes a fairly recent phenomenon in which various Islamic organizations even from different platforms such as FPI, HTI, and MMI can move in a momentum. This article will examine how the RDS FM in its broadcast to mobilize participation in the anti-Ahok rally by looking at the broadcast, website, social media and brochure papers. By using qualitative method, this article try to analyze the data by deep interviewing the radio’s staffs and anchor, also the radio’s broadcast on air, on line, or by website and social media. This article argues that radicalization in a macro level such as economic and political repression, can provoke radical Muslim euphoria to the local and global history of Islamist movements by using the rhetoric of religion and the enforcement of Islamic Shari'ah to fight 'the kafir', as well as opposing the leadership of Basuki T. Purnama which is non-Muslim. Through the perspective of Islamic-populism, the politial and religious actors also use the media like radia by its broadcast and social in the process of mass moilization.Keyword: Islamic Populism; Media; Islamism; radicalism; RDS FM; Solo. Abstrak.  Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis siaran Radio Dakwah Syariah (RDS FM) sebagai salah satu stasiun radio gerakan radikal Islam di Solo, dalam menggalang aksi ‘Bela Islam’ baik di Solo maupun Jakarta dari perspektif Populisme Islam. Vedi Hadiz mendefinisikan populisme Islam sebagai gerakan kelas sosial yang asimetris, bahkan dengan kepentingan kelas yang mungkin bersifat antagonis dan tingkatan yang berbeda dalam menggunakan Islam sebagai identitas bersama. Untuk itu, gerakan Islam Populis menjadi fenomena yang cukup mutakhir di mana berbagai ormas Islam bahkan dari platform yang berbeda seperti FPI, HTI, dan MMI dapat bergerak dalam suatu momentum. Artikel ini akan mengkaji bagaimana RDS FM dalam siarannya memobilisasi partisipasi dalam unjuk rasa anti-Ahok dengan melihat siaran, situs web, media sosial, dan kertas brosur. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, artikel ini mencoba menganalisis data dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam kepada staf dan penyiar radio, juga siaran radio di udara, online, atau melalui situs web dan media sosial. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa radikalisasi di tingkat makro seperti represi ekonomi dan politik, dapat memancing euforia Muslim radikal terhadap sejarah lokal dan global gerakan Islam dengan menggunakan retorika agama dan penegakan syari’at Islam untuk melawan 'kafir'. , serta menentang kepemimpinan Basuki T. Purnama yang non-Muslim. Melalui perspektif populisme-Islam, para pelaku politik dan agama juga menggunakan media seperti radia dalam penyiarannya dan sosial dalam proses moilisasi massa.Kata Kunci: Populisme Islam; Media; Islamisasi; Radikalisme; RDS FM; Solo.


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