Political Implication of Presidential System Practice in The Jokowi-JK Government

This study focuses on the political implications of the presidential system practice in the Jokowi-JK government. Constitutionally, the Indonesian government system adheres to a presidential system. However, there is a system confusion in practice that causes the President's role and position as head of government to be not optimal because his policies are often criticized and even intervened by the DPR. The purpose of this study is to analyze the political implications of the presidential system practice run by Jokowi-JK, using a case study approach and analyzing primary and secondary data. The specification of the research is analytical descriptive with qualitative method. The theories used include presidential theory, party system, coalition, and leadership theory. The study results show that the presidential-parliamentary-style system run by Jokowi-JK has implications for less than optimal decision-making by the President in the preparation of the cabinet and disruption of relations with parliament.

Pelaksanaan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial Dengan Multi Partai Di Indonesia

The government system in post-reform Indonesia is a presidential system with many parties. The advantage of this system is that it is more democratic because many parties are considered to accommodate the wishes and interests of people from various backgrounds through political parties, while the weakness is that it is difficult for the ruling party if it is not in the majority. The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of a presidential system of multi-party governance in post-reform Indonesia. The results of the study are that in a presidential government system with many parties (multi-party system) such as in Indonesia, it will cause problems if no political party wins the election with a majority vote, the President must build a coalition with a number of political parties that have representatives in the House of Representatives (DPR). DPR). Since the holding of the 1999 and 2004 elections, there have been efforts to simplify political parties, by reducing the number of election participants through the electoral threshold and then changing since 2009 to reducing the number of political parties that may sit in parliament by using the minimum threshold requirement (parliamentary threshold). However, this method has not been successful because there are still relatively many political parties sitting in parliament, this is due to the parliamentary threshold that is too small. Ideally, the parliamentary threshold, which was previously 4% in the 2019 election, is raised to 8% in the 2024 election. Thus, a strong, effective and stable presidential government system with only 4 (four) to 6 (six) political parties will be realized.

Constitutional Politics

In 1948, the Constitution was enacted by the Constitutional National Assembly, and a presidential system was adopted. But it was a hybrid system with both presidential and parliamentary system elements. Even though nine constitutions have been promulgated since then, this characteristic has remained fundamentally unchanged. Under the authoritarian regimes, the dictators forcibly revised the Constitution to strengthen their power and extend their terms of office. Constitutional politics, then, was fraught with serious conflict. South Korea was democratized in 1987, and the Constitution was democratically revised accordingly. The most important thing in this new Constitution was the restoration of the popularly elected presidential system. But the 1987 Constitution was modelled on the 1962 Constitution, and does not fit well with today’s democratized and diverse Korean society. The need to decentralize the authority and power of central government is another reason for constitutional reform.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENTARY AND SEMI-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.

Rules and Dominant Party Regimes

This chapter examines how rules have operated in two electoral authoritarian dominant party regimes, Malaysia under Mahathir (1981–2003) and Mexico under the Institutional Revolutionary Party (1929–2000). The nature of the party, one designed to participate in a competitive electoral process (even if unfair because it is tilted in favour of the ruling party), is an important factor in shaping the rules and how they worked. The fact that one is a parliamentary and the other a presidential system also provides scope to see how institutions affect rules and their performance.

Guinea-Bissau's Embalo faces rising social discontent

Significance However, this occurs amid a wave of public sector unrest over salary arrears, pay rates and working conditions, including a major health workers strike. Meanwhile, as he navigates this crisis, President Umaro Sissoco Embalo is pursuing efforts to secure the loyalty of a military with a long history of coups. Impacts Embalo’s combative diplomatic style is unlikely to endear him to his regional and international counterparts. Embalo's rapprochement with the military and appointment of loyalists is likely to mitigate the risk of a coup. Embalo will pursue efforts to change the constitution to favour a more centralised presidential system.

Konsep Negara Hukum dan Demokrasi dalam Pandangan Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar

The research aims to find out about the conception of the state of law and democracy aspired by Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar. The type of research used in this study is the socio-juridical type of research. Juridically because the unit of analysis in this research is an idea, the idea knows the concept. Where in what is meant is an idea Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar about the concept of a state of law and democracy. Empirically the author sought to see the historical facts about the application of the concept correlated with the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia in the era of President Soekarno’s leadership. The results showed Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar wanted the Indonesian state as an Islamic state with a presidential system of government while still carrying out the principles of true democracy. True democracy means Abdul Qahhar Mudzakkar is a tribute to the values of martyrdom, pluralism, and justice. This certainly requires better time, methods, and refinements if you want to be applied in a plural Indonesia.