Mothers and Wives

This chapter demonstrates links between the presumed moderate bias and pacifism of women with the emphasis on women’s roles as mothers and wives. Focusing on how women’s engagement is filtered through mother work, ideas of world preservation presume the home as a site of tranquility, with women naturally located there. Caring is established as counter to radical violent action, dovetailing with moderation narratives, yet premising antiradicalization programs on ideas that wives and mothers are pro-state or nonextreme is questionable. The chapter concludes by arguing that debates over women’s appropriate roles are the hidden battleground over which both counter-radicalization and radical groups operate. Radical groups present a narrative about the failures of Western society and feminism to protect women, and a consequent emasculation of men. Counter-radicalization efforts presuming that Western society and feminism have benefited all women equally fail to appreciate the difficulties that young Muslim women face negotiating complex identities under conditions of discrimination, poverty, and Islamophobia.

Groomed and Seduced

This chapter addresses some key theories on radicalization and looks at women in radicalization. It pays particular attention to theories and writers who discuss groups with women as active members. The chapter shows that none of the theories take gender seriously; they dismiss the lived experiences of radicals, despite claims to the contrary. Consequently, theories at worst ignore or at best diminish women’s involvement, a trend repeated in policies. The chapter demonstrates how commentators sexualize women’s agency, then considers explanations of individual women who have been involved in terrorism and political violence from the position of intersectional agency. Looking at group analysis, the chapter reveals how, when they are violent or support violence within groups, women’s actions are revealed in policy and public discourse as more shocking but also a sign of weakness on the part of terrorist organizations, denying the internal logics of radical groups justifying women’s participation.

Gender, Religion, and Radicalization

This introductory chapter situates the arguments of the book in the wider debates on extremism, radicalization, and religious violence. By contextualizing key components of the book, the chapter introduces a core argument: the concept of radicalization is gendered in nature. I argue for gendered analysis of the programs and policies that are collectively presented as “antiradicalization” efforts. I put forward the case that a feminist understanding of agency and empowerment is essential for offering a full critique of these efforts. This sets up the book’s second argument: radicalization is treated in these efforts as a sign of irresponsible agency and failed self-governance. As the focus of this book is on violence associated with Islam, the chapter discuses the relationship between religion and violence. The empirical focus of the book, I argue, exposes how states are also radical—they foreclose diverse futures through their antiradicalization campaigns. The chapter closes with an overview of the book’s chapters and core arguments.

The Limits of Antiradicalization

This chapter summarizes the arguments of the book, reveals the consequences of these programs, and presents alternative policy options, offering three main criticisms. First, these programs fail to engage with how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process, and cannot understand personal drivers or the sociopolitical environment. Second, male radicalization is unreflectively linked to a flawed masculinity, and women’s radicalization depends on orientalist stereotypes about passivity and subjugation. Solutions hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, while women are seen as a rescue mission. Third, a paternalist logic justifies intervention in ordinary lives in the name of security, yet fails to deliver. A gendered differential exists in the impact of counter-radicalization measures, and there are wider consequences. Individuals are denied agency, not given the option to critique for themselves the non-radical versions of agency and self being presented to them, engendering a limited form of loyalty to and security for the state.

Country Focus and Global Endeavors

This chapter introduces the key developments and policies of antiradicalization through the war on terror, and global agencies like the UN and NATO, to help situate the policies and programs of the countries presented. Particular attention is paid to the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, charting its connections to ideas about security and how the field of counterterrorism is only just beginning to address questions of gender. The chapter then gives details about the current situation within each specified country regarding extremism/radicalization and briefly outlines the evolution of antiradicalization efforts. This groundwork helps contextualize the arguments presented in the subsequent chapters.

The Antiradicalization Protection Racket

This chapter addresses program failures. The masculinities supported are premised on a “chivalric” defense of citizens, which only works if “bad men are lurking to attack women.” As societies accept an increasingly paternalistic state, they are expected to extend gratitude for protection; dissent or criticism is marginalized. There is a proliferation of securitization, where areas of ordinary life are reclassified as “security” concerns. Broad methods create unsafe spaces through increased surveillance and the appropriation of other institutions for security measures. Attempts by the state to lessen women’s suffering are utilitarian, aimed at reducing the risk of detainees regressing by placing women as their “wives,” making detainees dependent upon the state to which they owe gratitude. These programs present a “protection racket,” which undermines the rights and security of women and constitutes a demand for deference from citizens in exchange for governance and security. Dissent is delegitimized be evoking security needs.

Fathers and Heroes

This chapter considers the roles of fatherhood and paternalism in antiradicalization. Two arguments are made: paternalism characterizes the relationship between the state and individuals, and emasculation occurs via techniques used while particular masculine ideals are promoted simultaneously. Consequently, individuals may become deradicalized but policies reinforce the inequalities that some see as causes of radicalization. Paternalistic relationships are established—constructing individual relationships based on an ethic of care to generate trust is seen as key—but attempts at trust building are undermined by lack of accountability and transparency. This chapter also shows increasing militarization of counterterrorism programs worldwide. Numerous accounts of torture and human rights violations exist, sexualized in nature and emasculating particular suspect men. Policies seek to demonstrate the humanity of the state by acting in a considerate and caring manner, but actually serve to reinforce its paternal and emasculating undertones.

Moderate Women and Violent Youths

This chapter focuses on an idea of maternal logic underpinning women’s presumed participation derived from beliefs about aims for world preservation that situate women as moderate and peaceful. Assumed to be antiradical, any violence carried out by women is dismissed. The chapter explores how women are located as peaceful and supportive and questions this logic by examining what is moderate for policymakers and women, suggesting that the social bonds that motivate individuals also challenge ideas of moderate and responsible governing selves. Feminine moderation is compared with al Qaeda and Daesh rhetoric on women in jihad—”distracting” to men on the battlefield, only permitted as last resort, only if they have a higher chance of success. The chapter demonstrates that maternalist logic only works if young Muslim men are presented as violent, and “at risk” because of particular masculinities, presumed to be hypersexual, working class, “foreign,” played out in Islamist constructions of manliness.