Urban Riots and Public Disorder

Author(s):  
Sean L. Young
Keyword(s):  
1995 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Newell

The immediate origins of the democratic elections held in Malawi in 1994, which brought to an end over 30 years of political dominance by President Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), lie in the unprecedented events which shook the entire nation in 1992. Although that turbulent year was characterised by industrial action, serious urban riots, student demonstrations, the emergence of new domestic political groupings, and the Government's agreement to hold a national referendum on the future of the one-party system in the country, in retrospect perhaps what was most remarkable about these developments was that they were sparked off by the Catholic Church, and that their momentum was sustained at crucial stages by other Christian denominations in Malawi.1


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-77
Author(s):  
Adeniyi S. Basiru

The president and the network of offices that are linked to him, in modern presidential democracies, symbolize a neutral state that does not meddle in order-threatening political struggles. It however seems that this liberal ideal is hardly the case in many illiberal democracies. Against this background, this article examines the presidential roots of public disorder in post-military Nigeria. Drawing on documentary data source and deploying neo-patrimonial theory as theoretical framework, it argues that the presidency in Nigeria, given the historical context under which it has emerged as well as the political economy of neo-patrimonialism and prebendalism that has nurtured it, is a central participant in the whole architecture of public disorder. The paper recommends, among others, the fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian neo-colonial state and the political economy that undergird it.Keywords: Imperial Presidency; Neo-patrimonialism; Disorder; Authoritarianism; Nigeria.


Significance He had been arrested for disrupting public disorder and attending an illegal demonstration after protests erupted as he responded to a court summons concerning rape allegations. His arrest and detention has triggered wider unrest and a public backlash against President Macky Sall and his government. Impacts Sall will increase budgetary spending to try to appease the growing numbers of unemployed youth. Deep public mistrust of the government could hamper COVID-19 vaccine roll-out. With anti-French sentiment increasing, French businesses will be at risk of further targeted attacks during protests.


Author(s):  
Richard E. Ocejo

This chapter examines the issues that arise for policing nightlife scenes. It begins with an episode from one of the special meetings that the police occasionally hold at the precinct for bar owners, at which owners receive tips from officers on how to reduce quality-of-life complaints from residents and prevent crime in their bars. To enhance the quality of life in downtown neighborhoods and provide a sense of safety on streets, leaders of postindustrial cities have enacted policing strategies that target “broken windows,” or signs of public disorder. This meeting and other initiatives signify the New York Police Department's effort to curb quality-of-life complaints (e.g., noise, litter, and damage from revelers) as well as crimes inside and outside bars by making specific owners responsible for the structural conditions of dense nightlife scenes and targeting those who are “bad” and irresponsible.


Author(s):  
Simon Peplow

This closing chapter initially examines the nature of and differing reactions to the events of 1980–1, before providing an overview of the subsequent developments since, in terms of race, policing, protest, and public inquiries. It shows how the legacy of 1980–1 had a differing impact upon various aspects: for example, it cannot be said to have vastly altered authorities’ views on racial issues or the police’s attitudes towards accountability and policing by consent – other than increasingly hardening views towards combatting public disorder. While there have been a number of advancements – such as municipal antiracist programmes, increasing presence for black and minority ethnic politicians, widespread acknowledgement of police ‘institutional racism’ – recent statistics regarding the policing of minority ethnic groups and deaths in police custody demonstrate many of the issues remain unresolved.


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