Rethinking the Constitutionality of Indonesia’s Flawed Anti-Blasphemy Law

This study examines the constitutionality of Indonesia’s Anti-Blasphemy Law, which has been challenged unsuccessfully at the Constitutional Court on three occasions, in 2009, 2012, and 2018. While the Court has acknowledged the law’s provisions are open to multiple interpretations, it insists on maintaining the law as it is, on the grounds that the right to religious expression is not absolute, as freedom and rights are restricted under Article 28J of the 1945 Constitution. The Court believes that canceling the law would create a dangerous legal vacuum. The ambiguity of the Court’s decisions on the constitutionality of the Anti-Blasphemy Law is illustrated in recent blasphemy cases that have not been explored in previous studies. This study uses a doctrinal legal approach to examine why the Anti-Blasphemy Law is flawed and to analyze to what extent the ‘particular constitutionalism’ approach influenced the Court’s decisions when declaring the constitutionality of the law. As such, the Court’s misinterpretation of the core principles of the competing rights – the right to religious freedom and the right to freedom of expression – and its standard limitation, have been ignored. The findings of this study show that in dealing with the Anti-Blasphemy Law, the Court has a narrow and limited recognition of human rights law. The Court’s fear of revoking the Anti-Blasphemy Law is based only on assumptions and is less supported by facts. The Court has failed to realize that the implementation of the flawed Anti-Blasphemy Law in various cases has triggered public disorder, with people taking justice into their own hands.

When Saturday comes: football, public disorder and Liverpool's urban crisis, c. 1965–1985

This article uses oral histories, media representations and local archives to examine how football-related disorder in Liverpool impacted the lived experiences of local communities and informed perceptions, reactions and solutions to the city's unfolding urban crisis. It traces how the aggressive architectural transformation of the city's stadiums wrought significant and unintended consequences upon supporters and inner-city communities alike. By conceptualizing the stadium as a succinct example through which to view the anxieties that surrounded problematic urban spaces, it examines the relationship between the governance, materiality and use of the inner city during the urban crisis.

The Problems with Neighbors: An Examination of the Influence of Neighborhood Context Using Large-Scale Administrative Data

Where earlier conceptions of problem neighbors saw them as contributing to neighborhood level forms of disorder, neighbor problems, in contrast, occur in the everyday domestic setting of residential life and challenge conceptual boundaries between public/private and civility/incivility. As a result, there is a need to better understand the phenomenon of problems between neighbors beyond conceptions of public disorder and to understand the processes that influence how and why neighbor problems arise. In this study, we examine neighbor problems as manifest in reported complaints to a local municipality in Australia to understand how neighborhood features affect the likelihood of neighbors experiencing problems with each other. We propose five hypotheses to examine the social-interactive, environmental, and geographical mechanisms of neighborhood effects and test these hypotheses through logistic regression models on the way certain neighborhood features relate to the prevalence of neighbor problems. The findings reveal the sources of neighbor problems that typically reside in a combination of the social-interactive dynamics of the neighborhood itself—including the composition of the resident population—and the environmental features of the neighborhood in terms of the condition, density and use of dwellings, but not in the location of the neighborhood relative to larger-scale political and economic forces of the city. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of these findings for research, policy, and practice.

Music to Some Consequence: Reaction, Reform, Race

A naval chaplain in the 1790s, a radical arrested after Peterloo, and a smash hit of blackface minstrelsy: these three disparate historical actors all provide exemplary cases of music in action, playing upon the political passions of the British people. Thinking across the three examples, this article reflects upon the aims of the forum Music and Politics in Britain, c.1780–1850, as well as advancing its own autonomous argument. Alexander Duncan was drummed out of the navy for publishing a pamphlet advocating the use of martial music in action; inspired by the French, Duncan was effectively arguing for a democratization of Britain's servicemen by playing upon their passions. The potential for subversion inherent in this approach was borne out by the career of Samuel Bamford, a Lancashire weaver; music was central to Bamford's activism, and I chart the functional ends to which he deployed music around 1819. In a third instance, with the 1840s hit “Buffalo Gals,” music led to public disorder. The song, due in large part to its musical qualities, enabled forms of licentious behavior among white males that mobilized latent forms of gendered as well as racial prejudice, so that its performance came to excuse forms of sexual harassment.

A Community-Response Approach to Mental-Health and Substance-Abuse Crises Reduced Crime

Police officers often serve as first responders to mental-health and substance-abuse crises. Concerns over the unintended consequences and high costs associated with this approach have motivated new emergency-response models that augment or completely remove police involvement. However, there is little causal evidence evaluating these programs. This pre-registered study presents quasi-experimental evidence on the impact of an innovative “community response” pilot in Denver that directed targeted emergency calls to health-care responders instead of the police. We find robust evidence that the program reduced targeted, less serious crimes (e.g., trespassing, public disorder, resisting arrest) by 34 percent. We also find that this community-response approach has substantially lower costs relative to engaging such crises through the criminal-justice system.