Fungsi Pengawasan Partisipatif Dalam Mewujudkan Pemilu Demokratis

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.

Student Political Participation and the Future of Democracy in Indonesia

Political participation means we will talk about the activities or activities of people as citizens in political life. Every citizen is required to participate in the process of making and formulating all state political policies. Students are intelligent individuals who are significant assets for a country. Students' political participation will feel more meaningful because they are considered and know that they are also idealistic and have not been contaminated by various destructive ideas. Therefore, this study aims to determine student political participation and the future of democracy in Indonesia. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods in analyzing research data. Political participation of students in democracy can be seen by their participation in democratic elections as novice voters, with the participation of students in elections will provide political sensitivity and stimulation to students to be more actively involved in politics, with them being more actively involved in politics will be able to develop social character so that they have independence in determining their desires and are not easily influenced by persuasion and invitations from certain parties. In this study, there is also a need for political education for students. It is not easy to swallow false information that specific individuals do not truly create due to the lack of experience and knowledge in the field of politics in Indonesia.

Reproducing Populism

This chapter discusses the third mechanism populist presidents use to reproduce their power: the tilting of the electoral playing field. The chapter shows the centrality of free and fair elections in defining democracy. It then identifies and discusses the main characteristics of democratic elections. The remainder of the chapter shows how unconstrained populist presidents violate four central conditions of free and fair elections: the free formation of alternatives, the free formation of preferences, the freedom to express these preferences, and the neutral management of elections. The chapter argues that the illegal enabling of reelection and the elimination of term limits violate the free formation of alternatives; the restriction of political and civil liberties and unfair access to media undermine the free formation of preferences; voter intimidations and vote buying violate the freedom to express those preferences; and electoral fraud and institutional biases negate the neutral management of elections.

How an election can be safely planned and conducted during a pandemic: Decision support based on a discrete event model

In 2020, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic caused major limitations for any aspect of social life and in specific for all events that require a gathering of people. While most events of this kind can be postponed or cancelled, democratic elections are key elements of any democratic regime and should be upheld if at all possible. Consequently, proper planning is required to establish the highest possible level of safety to both voters and scrutineers. In this paper, we present the novel and innovative way how the municipal council and district council elections in Vienna were planned and conducted using an discrete event simulation model. Key target of this process was to avoid queues in front of polling stations to reduce the risk of related infection clusters. In cooperation with a hygiene expert, we defined necessary precautions that should be met during the election in order to avoid the spread of COVID-19. In a next step, a simulation model was established and parametrized and validated using data from previous elections. Furthermore, the planned conditions were simulated to see whether excessive queues in front of any polling stations could form, as these could on the one hand act as an infection herd, and on the other hand, turn voters away. Our simulation identified some polling stations where long queues could emerge. However, splitting up these electoral branches resulted in a smooth election across all of Vienna. Looking back, the election did not lead to a significant increase of COVID-19 incidences. Therefore, it can be concluded that careful planning led to a safe election, despite the pandemic.

Sore Losers: Does Terrorism and Approval of Terrorism Increase in Democracies When Election Losers Refuse to Accept Election Results?

A necessary component of peaceful democratic rule is the willingness of election losers to accept election defeats. When politicians and parties acknowledge defeat in democratic elections, they reinforce the peaceful transition of power that sustains political order. When election losers in democracies reject election results, the public’s confidence in democratic institutions is weakened, grievances and polarization abound, and the potential for violent mobilization grows. In this environment, terrorist activity is more likely. I test this proposition using cross-national time series panel data and within-country public opinion data for a wide set of democracies. I find that democracies experience significantly more domestic terrorist casualties when election losers reject election results. Moreover, I find that public willingness to tolerate and justify terrorism as a tactic increases in democratic countries where election losers reject election results.

The Brasilian Electoral Justice

Introduction: electoral justice can be called the basis of a modern system of democratic elections based on the principles of protecting the rights and freedoms of citizens and equal access for all to the electoral process on the terms of transparency, impartiality, and justice. Purpose: the purpose of the paper is to consider electoral justice in Brazil and analyze its significance for the political and electoral competition in the country during the elections. Methods: when working on the paper, the author studied a large volume of scientific and legal materials, some of which were little known to the Russian scientific community or introduced into the scientific circulation for the first time. The methodological framework for the research is a complex of general scientific and special legal methods, in particular, the system method, analysis, synthesis, and generalization and forecasting. The formal legal method was also used to analyze the normative legal acts, as well as a comparative approach when analyzing the foreign and Russian sources. The historical and legal method allowed us to consider the origin, formation, and development of electoral law in chronological order, taking into account the modern features of Brazil. Results: the peculiarities of the modern Brazilian electoral justice system are that such a system, created as a necessary element of democratic elections, eventually became the basis for the democratic consolidation of Brazil, influencing not only the making and application of independent decisions but also the rule-making in the electoral process. This is due, firstly, to the fact that the Brazilian electoral justice is independent neither of the regulatory body that carries out electoral justice, nor of the party interests, nor of the interests of the majority in the matters of protecting society exercising its electoral right. Secondly, the electoral justice system has quite broad powers in terms of implementing the rule-making process on the issues of law enforcement of the constitutional regulations on the electoral process. Conclusions: such rule-making contributes to the creation of conditions for the effective judicial protection and political competition, and the institution of electoral justice itself objectively shows its efficiency and is recommended for the implementation in the Russian Federation in the form of an autonomous system of electoral courts, including the federal electoral court, the electoral courts of the subjects of the federation, the municipal electoral courts and the corps of electoral judges of polling stations.

Optimizing The Role of the General Election Commission in Realizing Democratic Elections in Indonesia

The mechanism for transferring people's sovereignty is carried out through general elections to elect leaders and representatives of the people who will be mandated to carry out state and government affairs in accordance with the provisions contained in the legislation. One of the interesting developments from the point of view of the Indonesian state administration began when Indonesia experienced a transitional period of general elections (elections) which are one of the main pillars of democracy. In Indonesia, the existence of an election management body has existed since the 1955 general election until now. In every course of political history, Indonesia has several different institutional models of election management from time to time. The General Election Commission in Indonesia it is called Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is an institution that carries out the function of organizing elections in Indonesia. In addition to the KPU, there are institutions that also play an important role in the implementation of elections and are closely related to the existence of the KPU, namely survey institutions that carry out quick count processes. The survey institutions in a number of developing countries, especially those that are actively building democracy, are also not a little doubted by their moral honesty, at least being sued with a critical attitude such as the existence of a poll on the existence of a political survey institution, which has resulted in an attitude of uncertainty about the performance survey agency. This condition makes people less confident in the survey results which are considered no longer independent. It is proven that every time an election is held, a number of survey institutions seem to want to lead public opinion towards certain contestants. This is certainly very unfortunate considering that the survey results are one of the important instruments in democracy.

On Writing from a Postcolonial Perspective

Sindiwe Magona started writing in pursuit of agency as opposed to victimhood. With no training in writing, she felt nonetheless she could paint a much better, more realistic picture than what she found in stories of her people written by white people, to say nothing of how history books represented black Africans or “Bantu” as the terminology of the day went. Another fact that pushed her to dare to write was the almost total absence of records left to her generation by the preceding one. She wanted to close that lacuna. Her first book, To My Children’s Children, was published in 1990 when she was almost fifty years old. Magona wrote the autobiography as a record of life lived in a specific period, by specific people, using hers as an example. The book references other lives, not only that of her family. The cultural milieu and the overarching theme, given the times, however, is of the oppressive system of apartheid—legalized racism. Memory represents not only what is remembered but the inescapable past as represented by the still felt, still visible, still “performing” insights, ideas, ideology, actions, and reactions of South Africans almost a quarter of a century since the end of apartheid came with the first democratic elections of April 27, 1994. Each of her books—four novels, two collections of short stories, two autobiographies, two published plays, three biographies, a book of poetry, as well as her articles, essays, and talks—gives evidence of Magona’s witness of what happens, how it happens, and its observed or acknowledged consequences. She takes the journey further, exploring the inner meanings of the observed. The inner lives of victims and perpetrators, of oppressed and oppressor, and all the other binaries of which she is aware concern her. She set out to write, to leave a record for all posterity, not only black posterity, for it is her firm belief, hope, and prayer that, ere long, humanity will find itself, regain its former oneness or sense of belonging, and understand there are no races but one, the human race.