Lyndon Johnson to Jimmy Carter

2006 ◽  
pp. 75-105
Author(s):  
John Dumbrell
Keyword(s):  
1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric L. Davis

Observers of the American political scene might at times wonder why the 95th Congress, with nearly two-to-one Democratic majorities in both houses, did not take positive action on many of President Carter's important legislative proposals in 1977 and 1978. After all, it was argued when Carter was inaugurated at the beginning of 1977, the return of common party control to both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue would bring to an end the legislative-executive confrontations of the Nixon-Ford years. Thus, was not the unwillingness of Congress to approve his major programs an indication that Carter was inept, or even perhaps incompetent, as a legislative leader? If Lyndon Johnson could obtain swift approval of an extensive legislative agenda from the 89th Congress (1965–66), which in partisan composition was quite similar to the 95th Congress, why could Jimmy Carter not achieve comparable results?


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller

Recent presidential elections in the United States have been marked by widely divergent landslide victories. In 1964 Lyndon Johnson led the Democrats to a sweeping victory over Barry Goldwater. In 1968 Richard Nixon captured the White House for the Republicans in a contest that was close only because George Wallace ran as a third-party candidate and siphoned off a large share of the conservative vote. With Wallace eliminated from the 1972 race, Nixon easily won a lopsided re-election victory over George McGovern. Early in the campaign the 1976 election also appeared to be heading towards an overwhelming victory, this time for the Democrats. Yet, Jimmy Carter won by only two percentage points.


2020 ◽  
pp. 254-279
Author(s):  
Alice Ciulla
Keyword(s):  

Il democratico Jimmy Carter venne eletto presidente degli Stati Uniti nel novembre del 1976.Pochi mesi prima, il Partito comunista italiano (Pci) aveva ottenuto uno straordinario risultatoelettorale che aveva garantito incarichi istituzionali ad alcuni suoi esponenti. Durante lacampagna elettorale, i membri dell'entourage di Carter rilasciarono dichiarazioni che sembravanopreludere all'abbandono del veto anticomunista posto dai governi precedenti e per circaun anno dall'insediamento l'amministrazione mantenne una posizione ambigua. Il 12 gennaio1978, tuttavia, gli Stati Uniti ribadirono ufficialmente la contrarietà a qualsiasi forma dipartecipazione dei comunisti nel governo italiano. Utilizzando fonti di natura diversa e includendonell'analisi una pluralità di attori non statali tra cui think tank e centri di ricerca universitari,questo saggio mira a ricostruire il dibattito interno all'amministrazione Carter sulla "questione comunista" in Italia e a collocarlo all'interno di una discussione più ampia che attraversòla cultura liberal statunitense.


1988 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Dominique Moïsi
Keyword(s):  

This edited book will make an important, timely, and innovative contribution to the now flourishing academic discipline of political leadership studies. We have developed a conceptual framework of leadership capital and a diagnostic tool—the Leadership Capital Index (LCI)—to measure and evaluate the fluctuating nature of leadership capital. Differing amounts of leadership capital, a combination of skills, relations, and reputation, allow leaders to succeed or fail. This book brings together leading international scholars to engage with the concept of “leadership capital” and apply the LCI to a variety of comparative case studies. The LCI offers a comprehensive yet parsimonious and easily applicable ten-point matrix to examine leadership authority over time and in different political contexts. In each case, leaders “spend” and put their “stock” of authority and support at risk. United States president, Lyndon Johnson, arm-twisting Congress to put into effect civil rights legislation, Tony Blair taking the United Kingdom into the invasion of Iraq, Angela Merkel committing Germany to a generous reception of refugees: all ‘spent capital’ to forge public policy they believed in. We are interested in how office-holders acquire, consolidate, risk, and lose such capital. This volume concentrates predominantly on elected ‘chief executives’ at the national level, including majoritarian and consensus systems, multiple and singular cases. We also consider some presidential and sub-national cases. The purpose of the exercise is indeed exploratory: the chapters are a series of plausibility probes, to see how the LCI framework ‘performs’ as a descriptive and analytical tool.


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