Electoral campaign contributions: an obstacle to health-related sugary drinks regulation in Brazil? The case of the Chamber of Deputies

Objective: To assess corporate electoral campaign contributions from industries related to sugary drinks production and the characteristics of the elected officials financed by the sector. Design: Cross-sectional analysis of electoral campaign contributions from corporations related to sugary drinks production (sugary drink industries and sugary drink input industries) to candidates to the Chamber of Deputies, Brazil. Setting: Elections to the 55th Congress (2015-2019), held in October 2014. Participants: Candidates to the Chamber of Deputies, Brazil. Results: Forty-nine companies or corporate groups that produce sugary drinks and 52 corporations that produce inputs for sugary drinks manufacturing contributed to electoral campaigns of candidates in the 2014 Election. Contributions from this industry sector represented 7.3% of all corporate contributions and helped finance 11.7% of the candidates and 46.2% of the elected officials. The transnationals Ambev and Coca-Cola were the first and second biggest donors, respectively. Revenues mediated by political parties, from sugary drink industries, and from corporate members of some industry associations (Abir, Unica and CitrusBR) were more prevalent. Among elected officials, a significant association was found between being financed by the sector and representing the Southeast region, having higher education level and referring themselves as being professional politicians. In the multivariate model, financed candidates were 27% more likely to be elected. Conclusions: Corporations related to sugary drinks production have contributed to the electoral campaigns of almost half of the Federal Deputies in Brazil in 2014. This possibly facilitates access to decision-makers and could help buy influence on legislative proposals, including health-related food policies.

The Office of Parliamentary Legal Advisers (opla) in the Houses of the Oireachtas – History, Functions and Recent Key Parliamentary Legal Issues

The Office of Parliamentary Legal Advisers (opla) is the in-house legal team in the Irish national parliament. It provides specialist, non-partisan legal advice to Parliament on a broad range of parliamentary, constitutional and corporate legal issues. In recent years, the opla has been assigned additional functions within the legislative process, now providing legal policy analysis and legislative drafting services to non-Government Members in respect of private legislative proposals and advising Members in respect of Government Bills. This article will provide a history of the opla, will outline some recent key parliamentary legal issues and will elaborate on the recent development of legislative drafting and advisory services within the Office.

Can Lower Carbon Aviation Fuels (LCAF) Really Complement Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF) towards EU Aviation Decarbonization?

The present work provides an analysis of the potential impact of fossil-based Low Carbon Aviation Fuels (LCAF) for the European aviation sector, with a time horizon to 2050. LCAF are a crude-derived alternative to kerosene, offering some Green House Gas (GHG) savings, and have been defined by ICAO as eligible fuels for mitigating the environmental impact of aviation. A methodological framework to evaluate the EU technical potential for LCAF production is developed, based on data on crude utilization for jet fuel production in EU refineries, relevant carbon intensity reduction technologies, market prices, and aviation fuel volumes. Two different baselines for fossil-derived kerosene carbon intensity (CI) are considered: a global figure of 89 gCO2e/MJ and an EU-27-specific one of 93.1 gCO2eq/MJ. Three scenarios considering increasing levels of CI reduction are then defined, taking into account the current and potential commercial availability of some of the most relevant carbon intensity reduction technologies. The analysis demonstrates that, even if LCAF could offer GHG saving opportunities, their possible impact, especially when compared to the ambition level set in the most recent European legislative proposals, is very limited in most of the analysed scenarios, with the exception of the most ambitious ones. At 2030, a non-zero technical potential is projected only in the higher CI reduction scenario, ranging between 1.8% and 14.2% of LCAF market share in the EU-27 (equal to 0.6 to 4.75 Mtoe), depending on the considered Baseline for CI. At 2050, almost all considered scenarios project a larger technical potential, ranging between 6.9% and 22.2% for the global Baseline (2.21 to 7.13 Mtoe), and between 1.8% and 16.2% for the EU-27 Baseline (0.58 to 5.2 Mtoe). LCAF additional costs to current production costs are also discussed, given their relevance in large-scale deployment of these technologies, and are projected to range between 39 and 46.8 USD/toe.

Money Laundering Prevention: International Experience of Cooperation between Law Enforcement Agencies and Financial Institutions

The urgency of the problems described in the articles is due to the need to improve cooperation between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions in the field of combating excellent money in Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to study the foreign experience of cooperation between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions in the field of combating money laundering and establishing opportunities for its use in Ukraine. The research is based on the methods of analysis and generalization and the formal-logical method. The obtained results can be based on legislative proposals to improve the interaction of these entities, which, at their discretion, allow for interaction at a new level.

Teachers’ Awareness and Needs of the School-Based Speech-Language Pathologists

Objectives: Recently, as the population of various students in school classrooms has increased, the need for intervention on various communication problems has been emphasized. This study aims to provide basic data for legislative proposals for speech and language services in schools by investigating teachers’ perceptions and demands for establishment of school-based service delevery in speech-language pathology (SLP) in Korea.Methods: Using a Google survey, teachers at kindergarten, elementary, middle and high schools were questioned regarding their perception and demand for school SLP, with a total of 141 teachers responding.Results: The types of communication problems for the students in charge were 37.3% for multicultural families, 33.3% for slow learners, and 27% for children with other communication problems. Among the difficulties in communication among students, social communication skills accounted for 40.6%, followed by literacy with 22.7%, articulation with 16.4%, and vocabulary with 9.4%. More than 80% of teachers answered that there were students who had difficulty participating in class. Among them, 73.9% had the most difficulty in understanding the contents of the class, 32.2% of teachers’ instructions, and 17.4% of class presentations. In addition, it was found that more than half of the teachers interfered with the class or felt a work burden due to students who had difficulty participating in the class. Therefore, for this reason, 96.5% of teachers thought that having experts to help students would reduce their work burden and help children.Conclusion: Our outcomes demonstrated that teachers recognized the need for professional support at school sites, and mandatory placement of school SLP could provide students and parents with programs that could help improve their academic achievement or social communication skills.

“First do no Harm”. No-Fault Compensation Program for COVID-19 Vaccines as Feasibility and Wisdom of a Policy Instrument to Mitigate Vaccine Hesitancy

Vaccines are so far proven to be safe, although related adverse events cannot be excluded. The urgency for COVID-19 vaccines determined a dilution of the general expectations of safety and efficacy of vaccination (from safe and effective to safe and effective enough). In many countries, a no-fault program was established to compensate individuals who experienced serious vaccine-related injuries. The impressive number of administrations worldwide and the legal indemnity afforded to manufacturers of approved vaccines that cannot be pursued for compensation fed the debate about the availability of a compensation model for COVID-19 vaccine-related injuries. Several European countries have long introduced a system, Vaccine Injury Compensation Programs, to compensate people who suffer physical harm because of vaccination. In Europe, COVID-19 vaccination is strongly recommended for the general population and in many states is declared mandatory for healthcare workers. In 1992, Italy edited Law no. 210 providing legal protection for individuals who reported injuries after mandatory and recommended vaccinations as a no-fault alternative to the traditional tort system. Despite its recommended nature, COVID-19 vaccination is excluded from the no-fault model in several European states, and the Italian government is called to provide clear and firm instructions for the management of the many requests for compensation. The authors provide an overview of the existing compensation models in Europe and analyse available legislative proposals.

Making Citizenship an Organizing Principle of the US Immigration System: An Analysis of How and Why to Broaden Access to Permanent Residence and Naturalization for New Americans

This paper proposes that the United States treat naturalization not as the culmination of a long and uncertain individual process, but as an organizing principle of the US immigration system and its expectation for new Americans. It comes at a historic inflection point, following the chaotic departure of one of the most nativist administrations in US history and in the early months of a new administration whose executive orders, administrative actions, and legislative proposals augur a different view of immigrants and immigration. The paper examines two main ways that the Biden–Harris administration can realize its immigration, naturalization and integration goals: i.e., by expanding access to permanent residence and by increasing naturalization numbers and rates. First, it proposes administrative and, to a lesser degree, legislative measures that would expand the pool of eligible-to-naturalize immigrants. Second, it identifies three underlying factors—financial resources, English language proficiency, and education—that strongly influence naturalization rates. These factors must be addressed, in large part, outside of and prior to the naturalization process. In addition, it provides detailed estimates of populations with large eligible-to-naturalize numbers, populations that naturalize at low rates, and populations with increasing naturalization rates. It argues that the administration's immigration strategy should prioritize all three groups for naturalization. The paper endorses the provisions of the US Citizenship Act that would place undocumented and temporary residents on a path to permanent residence and citizenship, would reduce family- and employment-based visa backlogs, and would eliminate disincentives and barriers to permanent residence. It supports the Biden-Harris administration's early executive actions and proposes additional measures to increase access to permanent residence and naturalization. It also endorses and seeks to inform the administration's plan to improve and expedite the naturalization process and to promote naturalization. The paper's major findings regarding the eligible-to-naturalize population include the following: In 2019, about 74 percent, or 23.1 million, of the 31.2 million immigrants (that were eligible for naturalization) had naturalized. Three states—Indiana, Arizona, and Texas—had naturalization rates of 67 percent, well below the national average of 74 percent. Fresno, California had the lowest naturalization rate (58 percent) of the 25 metropolitan (metro) areas with the largest eligible-to-naturalize populations, followed by Phoenix at 66 percent and San Antonio and Austin at 67 percent. Four cities in California had rates of 52–58 percent—Salinas, Bakersfield, Fresno, and Santa Maria-Santa Barbara. McAllen, Laredo, and Brownsville had the lowest naturalization rates in Texas. Immigrants from Japan had the lowest naturalization rate (47 percent) by country of origin, followed by four countries in the 60–63 percent range—Mexico, Canada, Honduras, and the United Kingdom. Guatemala and El Salvador each had rates of 67 percent. Median household income was $25,800, or 27 percent, higher for the naturalized population, compared to the population that had not naturalized (after an average of 23 years in the United States for both groups). In the past 10 years, naturalization rates for China and India have fallen, and rates for Mexico and Central America have increased (keeping duration of residence constant). In short, the paper provides a roadmap of policy measures to expand the eligible-to-naturalize population, and the factors and populations that the Biden–Harris administration should prioritize to increase naturalization rates, as a prerequisite to the full integration and participation of immigrants, their families, and their descendants in the nation's life.

The Importance of Education and Trust Building for Wabanaki Self-Governance

Education and trust building are inextricably intertwined parts of addressing failed efforts of the state of Maine and the Wabanaki tribes to resolve tribal self-governance issues. Lack of structural and financial support for the delivery of Wabanaki Studies Law content directly affects tribal-state relations and Wabanaki self-determination in Maine. This article examines legislative proposals, current laws, and scholarly research and explore how they relate to tribal self-governance. Maine needs strategies for trust building and increased educational experiences for all Maine residents about Wabanaki people and ways of knowing.