Serbian Police: Troubled Transition from Police Force to Police Service

Author(s):  
Želimir M. Kešetović
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 180
Author(s):  
Ogbette, Afamefuna Samuel ◽  
Idam, Macben Otu ◽  
Kareem, Akeem Olumide

This study examined the impact of Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Nigeria. It solely depended on the secondary source for information. SARS is one of the Nigeria Police Force units that is saddled with the responsibility of fighting crime in the society; specifically, robbery and kidnapping. The impact was examined in two ways: Positive and Negative impact. From the positive point of view, SARS has been able to reduce robbery and kidnapping to an extent but unfortunately, people now use them as bodyguards to intimidate, suppress, and harass other people. From our findings, SARS tortures people mercilessly, extort, beat, kill and jail people who are not forthcoming with their demands. It was also discovered that, most of them lacks orientation on human relation which is a big gap the Nigeria Police Force need to cover by re-orienting them. Again, it was discovered that some of the personnel smoke and drink. They are often intoxicated while on duty, wielding sophisticated guns. From the study, the following recommendations were made: control measures should be put in place for SARS to be stopped from torturing people. They should equally be stopped from extorting, beating, killing (except in a battle ground) and framing people up just to be jailed. Investigative jobs as that of SARS should be exclusively for graduates in the Police Service. Again, the Nigeria Police Force and Nigeria Police Service Commission need to often re-orient these officers on human relations. Finally, officers caught drinking or smoking (especially hard drugs) on duty should be properly dealt with to serve as a deterrent to others.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Bowling ◽  
Robert Reiner ◽  
James Sheptycki

The chapter outlines seven ideal-typical models for thinking about the politics of police. The models are not mutually exclusive and can be combined to form complex descriptions of theoretical relations. They rest on a variety of conceptual distinctions. Crime control and due process; high and low policing; police force and police service; organizational structure and officer discretion; state, market, and civil society; police knowledge work, investigation and intelligence; and the democratic, authoritarian, and totalitarian politics of policing are all discussed. The police métier is discussed a set of habits and assumptions that envisions only the need to control, deter, and punish. It has evolved around the practices of tracking, surveillance, keeping watch and unending vigilance, and the application of force, up to and including fatal force. The chapter concludes that these seven models for thinking about police and policing facilitate micro-, meso-, and macro-level analysis.


Author(s):  
Mark McKergow ◽  
Chris Miller

Purpose This paper aims to explore a new way of thinking about leadership within the police force, moving away from the metaphor of the “hero” and focusing on the idea of a “host” leader. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses the College of Policing Leadership Review (2015) to examine current approaches to leadership within the police force and considers how host leadership methods could benefit police at all levels. Findings There is a long-term challenge for the police force, as initial selection tends to test for heroic skills, whereas engagement and consensus building then become more important. As the need for more team-based, engaging approaches continues to drive leadership thinking in the UK’s police service, populating the service with individuals who are adept at drawing out the best in their teams, without treating them as foot soldiers, is crucial. Originality/value This paper is an original piece of research from Dr McKergow and Mr Miller.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1036-1046 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharyn Graham Davies ◽  
John Buttle ◽  
Adrianus Meliala

While internationally there is a large body of quantitative work examining public perceptions of police, there is less in the way of qualitative, particularly anthropological, studies (Garriott, 2013). Moreover, as most studies are based in Western democratic nations with a strong rule of law, it is not surprising that findings have shown overall positive public perceptions of police. The case of Indonesia is different. The little quantitative work undertaken on public perceptions of police indicate extremely low levels of public trust and confidence (Muradi, 2014). This present study is thus unique in offering a qualitative analysis of a jurisdiction where public opinion is not favourably disposed towards the police. Drawing on ethnographic data collected between 2008 and 2013, this article critically explores what Indonesians think of their police service, and what they want from their police service in the future. The findings indicate that while people loath police corruption, eradicating corruption is not cited as a top priority. Furthermore, while people express a desire to have a police force that can deter, investigate, and solve crime, these factors do not dominate thinking. Rather, people form judgements of police based primarily on how they, or people they know, are treated by police, sentiments encapsulated in notions of procedural justice policing (Tyler, 1990). It is well-established that public support is essential to effective policing (Murphy & Cherney, 2012), and as such taking into account public desire for a respectful police force above a focus on outcome based policing will significantly aid police reform projects in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Kudakwashe Chirambwi

The chapter examines police legitimacy in the context of peacetime transition states, South Africa and Zimbabwe in particular, and argue that the complexity of legitimacy cannot be axially viewed as ‘acceptance of the moral authority of a police force and its right to enforce laws and issue commands' (Weitzer, 1995, p. 83) or ‘a belief that induces people to feel personally obligated to defer to authorities' (Tyler, 2006, p. 376). There are unconsidered complexities to police legitimacy that compel attention. The chapter makes three observations: 1) police legitimacy is conferred, often by opposing congress of three factors - the people, state and the international community; 2) the police are always trying to balance opposing factors, or play off one against the other(s); and 3) police service has no total or permanent legitimacy. Based on these assumptions, a compelling question could be whether or not police in transition societies have legroom to exercise discretional powers as they mediate between state and civilian populations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Esteban Piñeiro ◽  
Martina Koch ◽  
Nathalie Pasche

Abstract The article presents the empirical findings of a multi-site ethnography in two organizations in Swiss street-level bureaucracy. We examined both a municipal child welfare office and the police force of a medium-sized city. The focus was on the question as to whether and how ethnic differentiation takes place in such public agencies and what role it plays at work. The findings suggest that un/doing ethnicity follows an instrumental logic and that it is executed in manifold and ambivalent ways.


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