Liberation: Movements and Theology (1960–1970)

Abstract Yugoslavia’s military internationalism was one of the most practical expressions of the country’s policy of nonalignment. Beginning with Algeria in the 1950s until its demise in the 1990s, Yugoslavia was an ardent supporter of liberation movements and revolutionary governments in Africa and Asia. This article argues that Yugoslav military internationalism was at the heart of Yugoslavia’s efforts to reshape the post-1945 global order and represented an extension of Yugoslav revolution abroad. Military aid was an expression of personal identification of Yugoslavia’s “greatest generation” with decolonization struggle. However, Yugoslav military aid to other countries went beyond a single foreign policy issue. Yugoslav military internationalism touched upon many other issues that included problems related to finances, economic development, the acquisition and transfer of military technology, relations with the superpowers, national security, ideology and politics, and prestige and status in global affairs. By the end of the 1970s, with the departure of the World War II generation and the looming economic crisis, Yugoslav military involvement in the Global South became increasingly driven by economic reasons. Former Yugoslav republics, after a short hiatus in the 1990s during the wars for Yugoslavia’s succession, are still present in the arms trade in the Global South.

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The Politics of Decision: A Comparative Study of African Policy toward the Liberation Movements

The International Journal of African Historical Studies ◽

10.2307/218215 ◽

1980 ◽

Vol 13 (4) ◽

pp. 739

Author(s):

Jon Kraus ◽

Vincent B. Khapoya ◽

A. W. Singham

Keyword(s):

Comparative Study ◽

Liberation Movements

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Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Some Legal Aspects

The Journal of Modern African Studies ◽

10.1017/s0022278x00012258 ◽

1993 ◽

Vol 31 (4) ◽

pp. 585-600 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Gino J. Naldi

Keyword(s):

Land Tenure ◽

Land Reform ◽

Agricultural Land ◽

Legal Aspects ◽

Livestock Production ◽

Declaration Of Independence ◽

Unilateral Declaration ◽

Liberation Movements ◽

Crop And Livestock Production ◽

Trust Lands

The Government of Zimbabwe has only recently begun to implement the commitment of the liberation movements to give land to poor ‘communal’ farmers, especially those dispossessed by the whiteminority régime after Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence in 1965. It needs to be recalled that by virtue of the Land Tenure Act of 1969 almost half of the country's agricultural land was allocated to Europeans, who had ‘greater access to the regions considered suited to intensive crop and livestock production’, and that ‘On average, each of the nearly 7,000 European farms was roughly 100 times the size of any of the 700,000 or so holdings in the Tribal Trust Lands’. The fact that much of this land was under-utilised only served to increase African resentment.

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The International Hostages Convention and National Liberation Movements

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.2307/2201415 ◽

1981 ◽

Vol 75 (1) ◽

pp. 69-92 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Wil D. Verwey

Keyword(s):

National Liberation ◽

State Party ◽

International Convention ◽

Liberation Movements ◽

The U.S

On December 11, 1979, Anthony C. E. Quainton, Director of the U.S. State Department’s Office for Combatting Terrorism, responded to an inquiry about the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages, in particular its Article 12, by stating that the Convention “does not provide a loophole for members of national liberation movements or anyone else and does not supply a means by which any State Party to the Hostages Convention can escape the prosecute or extradite requirement.”

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Political Change in Rhodesia: The South Africa Factor

Issue A Journal of Opinion ◽

10.1017/s0047160700500456 ◽

1975 ◽

Vol 5 (4) ◽

pp. 13-20

Author(s):

Philip E. Chartrand

Keyword(s):

South Africa ◽

United Nations ◽

Majority Rule ◽

Political Change ◽

The South ◽

The United Nations ◽

Liberation Movements ◽

Minority Regime ◽

Near Future ◽

First Time

In December 1974, Ian Smith, the leader of the white minority regime in Rhodesia, announced for the first time since declaring his country’s independence from Britain in 1965 that his government was willing to begin direct negotiations with the African liberation movements seeking to achieve majority rule in Rhodesia. The prospect of such talks leading to an end to guerrilla fighting in Rhodesia and a termination of the United Nations authorized sanctions against the illegal Smith regime is dimmed by the fact that the Africans demand African rule for Rhodesia in the near future if not immediately, while Smith and his supporters have refused to consider such a development “in his lifetime.” Still the announcement constituted a step forward which few informed observers would have deemed likely even a few weeks before.

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Decolonizing Palestine

10.7591/cornell/9781501752735.001.0001 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Somdeep Sen

Keyword(s):

West Bank ◽

Gaza Strip ◽

Postcolonial Studies ◽

Colonial Rule ◽

The West ◽

Governing Body ◽

Legislative Council ◽

Armed Resistance ◽

Liberation Movements ◽

The Gaza Strip

This book rejects the notion that liberation from colonialization exists as a singular moment in history when the colonizer is ousted by the colonized. Instead, it considers the case of the Palestinian struggle for liberation from its settler colonial condition as a complex psychological and empirical mix of the colonial and the postcolonial. Specifically, the book examines the two seemingly contradictory, yet coexistent, anticolonial and postcolonial modes of politics adopted by Hamas following the organization's unexpected victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election. Despite the expectations of experts, Hamas has persisted as both an armed resistance to Israeli settler colonial rule and as a governing body. Based on ethnographic material collected in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Israel, and Egypt, the book argues that the puzzle Hamas presents is not rooted in predicting the timing or process of its abandonment of either role. The challenge instead lies in explaining how and why it maintains both, and what this implies for the study of liberation movements and postcolonial studies more generally.

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