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2021 ◽  
pp. 219-238
Author(s):  
Michael Nesbitt
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
Mladen Lisanin

Joseph Biden’s electoral win in November 2020 was widely anticipated as American return to the global stage. In many academic and policy circles, the removal of “isolationist” Donald Trump and important triumph of liberal internationalist Biden was expected to bring about a new chapter in US relations with allies worldwide, leaving behind the awkwardness of previous administration’s reckless political style. However, once the global affairs started unfolding in 2021, Biden Administration’s key international slogan “America is back” also proved to be much more a thing of political style than well-developed substance. This article aims to examine the ways in which the Biden administration’s strategic posture during the first year of the presidency affected transatlantic relations. To that effect, key foreign policy speeches and documents have been analyzed and major international developments tracked. The key finding is that, despite the permissive context shaped by the Trump administration’s disparagement of European allies, the new administration has failed to move forward in terms of strengthening transatlantic ties. This goes to indicate that many of the issues have all along been more structural and had predated Trump’s policies, which means that they will be all the more difficult to overcome.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-111
Author(s):  
Nagalaxmi M. Raman ◽  
Vakul Tandon

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Maria Nzomo ◽  
Patrick Maluki

Abstract This paper explores India’s relations with African countries which date back to the time when Indian traders began to engage with countries along the eastern coast of Africa. These relations took a new turn by the end of the 20th century, with many drivers and rallying points of 20th century such as de-colonization and racial discrimination disappearing. By the turn of the Century, with a prospered economy and a population of more than I billion people India ceased to belong to the same group as the African states. Due to this change in status India’s priorities also changed and it is now playing in the bigger league which presents India with different realities and preoccupation. At strategic level, India’s determination of becoming an influential global power requires the support of African countries, especially in securing a seat at the United Nations Security Council and for the overall expansion and democratic governance reforms of the Council. This paper interrogates the question: given its current status and strategic interests in global affairs, what areas should India engage with African states in order to realize her global power ambitions?


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Shaker Ahmed Alshareef

National parliaments have become significantly active in international arena particularly in advancing democracy and national interests within a globalized context. This report assesses the role that inter-parliamentary organizations play in regional and global political scenes under the umbrella of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). The article views these regional institutions in the context of their relations to the IPU through content analysis of available literature. Three of the regional bodies of interest in the report are the Arab Parliament, Central American Parliament (PARLACEN), and the European Union Parliament. The findings drawn from available literature shows that these organizations have become the new frontier for political movements as they take center stage in global affairs. The objectives of these regional bodies are largely aligned with those of the IPU, and it is not surprising that they frequently collaborate or agree on several issues. The article concludes that the Inter-parliamentary diplomacy and the pursuit of democracy through collective efforts of regional parliamentary bodies have made it possible for IPU to have a higher political currency in different jurisdictions.


Attaher Zacka Maïga was born on 10 May 1963 in Bia, Bourem Cercle, Gao Region, Mali. He has spent his life in the service of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, joining the Mali Red Cross as a volunteer in 1987 before working for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies as a nutritionist in a pilot centre for nutritional recovery and education in Bourem from January 1988 to June 1990. In 1990 and 1991 he acted as consultant to a number of organizations, including World Vision and UNICEF. In April 1992, Attaher Maïga joined the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) as a “resident” (i.e. local) employee. Since then, he has held many positions. From 1996 to 2000, he was in charge of the Gao office, which employed almost 100 staff, both resident and “mobile” (expatriate). He then took charge of the ICRC's programmes in northern Mali from 2001 to 2006, ran the organization's office in the Malian capital Bamako from 2007 to 2008 and was responsible for the Mali communication programme between 2009 and 2011. From November 2011 to November 2014, he was head of the ICRC's northern Mali sub-delegation, one of the first resident employees to lead an ICRC sub-delegation. Since 2015, Attaher Maïga has been Networking Coordinator for the ICRC's Mali delegation. In 1996, Mr Maïga initiated the ICRC's post-conflict programmes in his country, covering the fields of agriculture, veterinary services and health. In 2009, he launched a pilot migrant project in Kidal, northern Mali. These much-appreciated initiatives resulted in his being invited to participate in the 2010 Montreuil meeting, which laid the foundations for the reforms currently underway. Attaher was the first Mali focal point for the ICRC's Unit for Global Affairs. This role gave him a deeper understanding of trends in the Islamic world and enabled him to help the ICRC adjust its dialogue with Jihadist armed groups. Our interview with Mr Maïga highlights his extensive experience with one of the oldest humanitarian organizations and is an opportunity for him to share his understanding of the ICRC's interaction with the armed groups that controlled northern Mali in 2012, when he was representing the ICRC in the region. Attaher Maïga holds a degree in public administration from the Institut de Gestion et des Langues Appliquées aux Métiers, Bamako.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Henning Borchers

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Henning Borchers

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniels Aide Okun ◽  
Osama Ose Iyawe

The theoretical concept of political leadership would have to be the most elusive and fluid concept of leadership. It has within its authority dominated policies, influenced security- intelligence, shaped intellectual-cultures, inspired citizens-aspirations and has directed the trajectory of nation-states and sovereignties within international governance and global affairs. The political behaviors of developing nations through foreign policies, national interests and diplomacy have been a reflection of the authority of their political leadership; regime after regime. There are no best-kept secret to the fundamental strengths and weaknesses of political Leadership other than the influential impact of the political leader’s self-empowerment, self-leadership and self-legacy. Political Leadership is fundamentally controlled by the polices of choices where decisions meet actions and authoritarian powers redefines humanity. The elusive extent, and fluid depth of political influence through the impact of governance does not measure -up to the assurance of humanity in most developing countries around the world. The political consciousness and idiosyncrasies of most individuals over the years have contributed none or fewer interests to the study, the justification, and the analytical reasoning of the influence of political leadership. This new study and the assertive findings on this chapter are aimed to pragmatically educate, inspire, and reignite the zealousness of visionary leadership, through the consciousness of humanity. The intellectual assertions in this chapter are envisioned to create, expand and illuminate the distinctive reality between of our profound empirical knowledge, theoretical beliefs and interpretive researches on the conceptual understanding of political leadership. The topics in this chapter are aimed to create an endless stream to the consciousness of political leadership and financial gains to the betterment of humanity. It expands the understanding of political leadership through psychological lens beyond the titles, offices and political display of power. Political leadership in developing countries can improve and offer better outcomes in todays world, when humanity meets the consciousness of political leadership in financial prosperity. The societal divisions of ethnicity, wealth and the polarization of political ideologies into sets of beliefs, questions the influential impact of political leadership. As political leaders govern and navigate through their leadership goals, aspirations and visions more often than not, the traits of their ethnic identity, individuality and beliefs constantly create struggles with their understanding and acceptance of humanity as a whole.


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