Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union: How to Understand the ‘Right’ of the Member State to Withdraw the European Union?

Brexit ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák ◽  
Ondrej Blažo
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69
Author(s):  
Dumitrita Florea ◽  
◽  
Narcisa Gales ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  

The reality is that we have witnessed in the last 4 years, since the procedure of negotiating the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union in 2016 has started, a real political impasse on the stage of European relations. Who would have imagined on the 1st of January 1973, when England became a member of the European Union after many indecisions – some of them more arrogant than others that in 47 years' time it will be the first Member State to avail itself of Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which for the first time provided for the right of a Member State to withdraw voluntarily from the European Union? If we look a little at the historical context of England's accession to the EU, we may see similar hesitations that have delayed it so much in joining the EU. Although after the end of the Second World War the economic situation of England was precarious, it still manages to become one of the great world powers. However, in 1951 it refused to join the founding group of the ECSC and also refused to sign the Treaty of Rome in 1957. England believed that the status of leader of the Commonwealth offered you a privileged status compared to other European states in international affairs, especially those with the United States of America, but, nevertheless, it did not bring benefits in the relations with the 6 European states, that were going to establish the European Union. When it realized that this was not a good way for things to happen, in 1961 announced its intention to join the European Economic Community, only that in 1963 France voted against the request. It was only after Charles de Gaulle's resignation in 1969 that the United Kingdom's path to accession was opened. Political and economic integration seemed to be the best solution for achieving a stable economic future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-147
Author(s):  
Mariana Alvim

Article 50 TEU has caused considerable interest following its introduction in EU law, but mostly since the UK voted in favour of leaving the Union, a vote that provoked its first ever activation. However, this Article raises a few unanswered questions, such as if a Member State that formally notifies to the European Council of its intention to leave the EU, can it subsequently change its mind about this decision during the two-year period established in the Treaty. In the first part of the article, I intend to put the notification to leave the European Union under Article 50 of the TEU in perspective, elucidating the steps that have to be taken, and to address the silent aspects of Article 50. In the second Part, I will assess if a Member State that triggers Article 50 TEU, can still withdraw the notification to leave, once Article 50 TEU is completely soundless in this respect, and in doing so answer the central question of this article: “Can we still save the marriage?”


Author(s):  
Denis Martin

Any citizen of the Union and any natural or legal person residing or having its registered office in a Member State has the right to refer to the European Ombudsman cases of maladministration in the activities of the institutions, bodies, offices or agencies of the Union, with the exception of the Court of Justice of the European Union acting in its judicial role.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-153
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Homewood

This chapter discusses the law on the free movement of persons in the EU. Free movement of persons is one of the four ‘freedoms’ of the internal market. Original EC Treaty provisions granted free movement rights to the economically active—workers, persons exercising the right of establishment, and persons providing services in another Member State. The Treaty also set out the general principle of non-discrimination on grounds of nationality, ‘within the scope of application of the Treaty’. All these provisions are now contained in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Early secondary legislation granted rights to family members, students, retired persons, and persons of independent means. The Citizenship Directive 2004/38 consolidated this legislation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achim Seifert

Article 45 TFEU must be interpreted as not precluding legislation of a Member State, such as that at issue in the main proceedings, under which the workers employed in the establishments of a group located in the territory of that Member State are deprived of the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in elections of workers’ representatives to the supervisory board of the parent company of that group, which is established in that Member State, and as the case may be, of the right to act or to continue to act as representative on that board, where those workers leave their employment in such an establishment and are employed by a subsidiary belonging to the same group established in another Member State.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tore Vincents Olsen ◽  
Christian F. Rostbøll

The Lisbon Treaty from 2009 introduced the possibility for individual member states to withdraw from the European Union (EU) on the basis of a unilateral decision. In June 2016 the United Kingdom decided to leave the EU invoking article 50 of the treaty. But is withdrawal democratically legitimate? In fact, the all-affected principle suggests that it is undemocratic for subunits to leave larger political units when it adversely affects other citizens without including them in the decision. However, it is unclear what the currency of this affectedness is and, hence, why withdrawal would be undemocratic. We argue that it is the effect of withdrawal on the status of citizens as free and equal that is decisive and that explains why unilateral withdrawal of subunits from larger units is democratically illegitimate. Moreover, on the ‘all-affected status principle’ that we develop, even multilaterally agreed withdrawal is undemocratic because the latter diminishes the future ability of citizens to make decisions together regarding issues that affect their status as free and equal. On this basis, we conclude that it is undemocratic for a member state such as the United Kingdom to withdraw from the EU.


2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Novoa

In this article I begin by addressing three ways of thinking that are deeply influencing educational policies, not only at the European Union level, but also inside each Member State. Then, I move into a more detailed explanation of these influences, raising three main arguments: (i) employability as a problem for each citizen; (ii) comparability as a new mode of governance; (iii) mobility as a means to imagine European citizenship.The whole text is built around the new programme, Education & Training 20I0, which constitutes a kind of $space$quoteleftumbrella' for the political intervention of the European Union in the field of education.


Author(s):  
Gino Naldi ◽  
Konstantinos Magliveras

Following the 2016 referendum, the UK notified its intention to withdraw from the European Union pursuant to Article 50 TEU. Given the political and legal consequences of a much-questioned referendum and the strong opinion of many parts of British society that the UK’s membership should not be terminated, the question arose whether such a notification could be revoked unilaterally. In the absence of any mention in Article 50, expert opinion was divided. International law – that is, the law of treaties and the law of international organizations – does not appear to provide a definite answer, while state practice is rather scarce. The constituent instruments of international and regional organizations containing withdrawal clauses are also silent, except for African organizations and development/investment organizations, which invariably allow Member States to rescind withdrawal notices. As regards the EU Treaties, before the Lisbon Treaty they did not contain a withdrawal clause. In the preliminary ruling given in Wightman v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, which concerned whether an EU Member has the sovereign power under Article 50 to revoke unilaterally a withdrawal notice, the Court of Justice helped to clarify a critical question of EU Law but also of international law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Matti Ilmari Niemi

Finland is a member of the European Higher Education Area. The principles of the Bologna Declaration have become reality in certain respects. The form and structure of Finnish law degrees are uniform with the Bologna model. However, mobility and the free movement of students have only been realised in a limited sense. Finnish law degrees are still closed both in international and national respects. Uniformity of degrees is treated here as a means to carrying out free movement and the right of establishment as the principles of the European Union. Uniformity of degrees is a necessary precondition in recognising degrees earned in another country. Without the recognition of the workmanship and degree earned in a home country, it is very difficult to establish oneself in a host county. Both the basic treaties and the applicable directives of the European Union obligate member states to recognise degrees earned in other member states. There are, however, important exceptions and restrictions. Lawyers often work as judges, prosecutors, bailiffs and other officers. They are subject to exceptions and restrictions. As a rule, advocates have the freedom to provide services and establish themselves in a permanent way, and act as advocates in another member state. Even in this case, there are steps and restrictions. In practice, it is not easy to move to another member state and act as an advocate with the help of a law degree earned in the home state. Basically, the reasons for these difficulties are the differences between national legal systems.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document