The `right' education in Europe: When the obvious is not so obvious!

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Novoa

In this article I begin by addressing three ways of thinking that are deeply influencing educational policies, not only at the European Union level, but also inside each Member State. Then, I move into a more detailed explanation of these influences, raising three main arguments: (i) employability as a problem for each citizen; (ii) comparability as a new mode of governance; (iii) mobility as a means to imagine European citizenship.The whole text is built around the new programme, Education & Training 20I0, which constitutes a kind of $space$quoteleftumbrella' for the political intervention of the European Union in the field of education.

Author(s):  
Javier Tajadura Tejada

Este artículo analiza en primer lugar el significado de la secesión en el Derecho Internacional y en el Derecho Constitucional. Asimismo, examina cómo se aborda el fenómeno de la secesión en el Derecho comunitario europeo. Esto obliga a estudiar dos tipos de problemas: por un lado, el de la secesión de un Estado miembro respecto de la propia Unión; por otro, el de la fragmentación de un Estado miembro por la secesión de una parte de su territorio. La conclusión es que la conservación o fragmentación de un Estado miembro de la Unión Europea no es un asunto interno: la secesión de partes de un territorio afecta al sistema político europeo en su conjunto, en la medida en que es una forma de integración federal donde no caben actos unilaterales que quebranten el principio de lealtad federal de la Unión y la ciudadanía europea que ha ido conformándose en las últimas décadas.This article analyzes the meaning of secession in international and constitutional law. It also examines the phenomenon of secession in European law. This requires studying two types of problems: the secession of a member state of the European Union and the fragmentation of a Member State for the secession of part of its territory. The conclusion is that conservation or fragmentation of a Member State of the European Union is not an internal matter. In our opinión, the political and legal system of the Union can be characterized also federally, which prevents the national and regional authorities to carry out unilateral acts that go against the principle of Community federal loyalty and European citizenship.


Author(s):  
Denis Martin

Any citizen of the Union and any natural or legal person residing or having its registered office in a Member State has the right to refer to the European Ombudsman cases of maladministration in the activities of the institutions, bodies, offices or agencies of the Union, with the exception of the Court of Justice of the European Union acting in its judicial role.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-153
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Homewood

This chapter discusses the law on the free movement of persons in the EU. Free movement of persons is one of the four ‘freedoms’ of the internal market. Original EC Treaty provisions granted free movement rights to the economically active—workers, persons exercising the right of establishment, and persons providing services in another Member State. The Treaty also set out the general principle of non-discrimination on grounds of nationality, ‘within the scope of application of the Treaty’. All these provisions are now contained in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Early secondary legislation granted rights to family members, students, retired persons, and persons of independent means. The Citizenship Directive 2004/38 consolidated this legislation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achim Seifert

Article 45 TFEU must be interpreted as not precluding legislation of a Member State, such as that at issue in the main proceedings, under which the workers employed in the establishments of a group located in the territory of that Member State are deprived of the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in elections of workers’ representatives to the supervisory board of the parent company of that group, which is established in that Member State, and as the case may be, of the right to act or to continue to act as representative on that board, where those workers leave their employment in such an establishment and are employed by a subsidiary belonging to the same group established in another Member State.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Matti Ilmari Niemi

Finland is a member of the European Higher Education Area. The principles of the Bologna Declaration have become reality in certain respects. The form and structure of Finnish law degrees are uniform with the Bologna model. However, mobility and the free movement of students have only been realised in a limited sense. Finnish law degrees are still closed both in international and national respects. Uniformity of degrees is treated here as a means to carrying out free movement and the right of establishment as the principles of the European Union. Uniformity of degrees is a necessary precondition in recognising degrees earned in another country. Without the recognition of the workmanship and degree earned in a home country, it is very difficult to establish oneself in a host county. Both the basic treaties and the applicable directives of the European Union obligate member states to recognise degrees earned in other member states. There are, however, important exceptions and restrictions. Lawyers often work as judges, prosecutors, bailiffs and other officers. They are subject to exceptions and restrictions. As a rule, advocates have the freedom to provide services and establish themselves in a permanent way, and act as advocates in another member state. Even in this case, there are steps and restrictions. In practice, it is not easy to move to another member state and act as an advocate with the help of a law degree earned in the home state. Basically, the reasons for these difficulties are the differences between national legal systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69
Author(s):  
Dumitrita Florea ◽  
◽  
Narcisa Gales ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  

The reality is that we have witnessed in the last 4 years, since the procedure of negotiating the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union in 2016 has started, a real political impasse on the stage of European relations. Who would have imagined on the 1st of January 1973, when England became a member of the European Union after many indecisions – some of them more arrogant than others that in 47 years' time it will be the first Member State to avail itself of Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which for the first time provided for the right of a Member State to withdraw voluntarily from the European Union? If we look a little at the historical context of England's accession to the EU, we may see similar hesitations that have delayed it so much in joining the EU. Although after the end of the Second World War the economic situation of England was precarious, it still manages to become one of the great world powers. However, in 1951 it refused to join the founding group of the ECSC and also refused to sign the Treaty of Rome in 1957. England believed that the status of leader of the Commonwealth offered you a privileged status compared to other European states in international affairs, especially those with the United States of America, but, nevertheless, it did not bring benefits in the relations with the 6 European states, that were going to establish the European Union. When it realized that this was not a good way for things to happen, in 1961 announced its intention to join the European Economic Community, only that in 1963 France voted against the request. It was only after Charles de Gaulle's resignation in 1969 that the United Kingdom's path to accession was opened. Political and economic integration seemed to be the best solution for achieving a stable economic future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Dan Vataman

<em>The freedom of thought, conscience and religion constitutes nowadays a basic right of individuals for determining their perception of human life and society, which is why it represents a necessary requirement for all democratic societies. Taking into account that violations of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion may exacerbate intolerance and often constitute early indicators of potential violence and conflicts, the aim of this study is to raise public awareness on the fact that this freedom is a fundamental right of every human being, a right that needs to be protected everywhere and for everyone. For this purpose, the analysis is focused, in a first stage, on clarifying the essential features of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion so that, in a second stage, to be presented the European and Romanian legal frameworks for protection of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. As a novelty, this study attempts to outline how it is implemented the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion in Romania, highlighting achievements, but without trying to avoid weaknesses and the less pleasant aspects as it shown in US Department of State’s report.</em>


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-67
Author(s):  
Eva Marlene Hausteiner

When, if at all, can a federal political order expel a member state against its will? In political theory, expulsion has—unlike the scenario of secession as voluntary separation—so far received no systematic attention; an omission that is reinforced by the paucity of historical precedent. However, current debates around the potential disintegration of the European Union show that expulsion, as a theoretical and political possibility, deserves a more careful analysis. The article sets out to consider a route toward theorizing expulsion in systematic and realist terms. It outlines possible motivational constellations, feasibility constraints, legitimacy issues, as well as procedural dimensions. The resulting claim—that expulsion may be feasible in some circumstances but that its legitimacy is bound to remain contested—is applied to the case of the European Union.


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