scholarly journals Migrant Associations: Political Opportunities and Structural Ambivalences. The Case of the Federation of Free Italian Colonies in Switzerland

2019 ◽  
pp. 191-208
Author(s):  
Toni Ricciardi ◽  
Sandro Cattacin
2013 ◽  
pp. 71-100
Author(s):  
Matteo Bassoli

The article assesses the role of civil society organisations in the governance framework. It looks at the migrant associations in Milan, their characteristics and their network to interpret the so-called crowding-out effect by autochthonous promigrant organisations in the provision of social services. The general hypothesis, building on the well-known governance literature, is that in the last decades public authorities while shifting towards more open decision making processes in other fields, did not follow the same approach for the migrant policies for specific reasons: both internal (such as political will) and external (migrant associations weaknesses). The article, using a network analysis approach, depicts the societal configuration created by the migrant associations in Milan to show that more factors are at game in the process of political isolation. Indeed, if the political support is completely absent, as typical of non-ethnicised societies, the civil society weakness has to be tracked back to three different aspects: the organisational fragilities, the geographic- based components of migrants associations and the multiple and confounding accesses that public authorities grants to migrant associations. The migrant civil society as a whole is thus isolated from public authorities unable to fully empower its constituency and to promote political activation in a context of small political opportunities structure. Nonetheless the most central actors within the migrant network are those able to actively cooperate with public institutions.


Contention ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-52
Author(s):  
Matthew S. Williams

Political opportunity structure (POS) refers to how the larger social context, such as repression, shapes a social movement’s chances of success. Most work on POS looks at how movements deal with the political opportunities enabling and/or constraining them. This article looks at how one group of social movement actors operating in a more open POS alters the POS for a different group of actors in a more repressive environment through a chain of indirect leverage—how United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) uses the more open POS on college campuses to create new opportunities for workers in sweatshop factories. USAS exerts direct leverage over college administrators through protests, pushing them to exert leverage over major apparel companies through the licensing agreements schools have with these companies.


Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Massimiliano Andretta ◽  
Tiago Fernandes ◽  
Eduardo Romanos ◽  
Markos Vogiatzoglou

Chapter 3 addresses the institutional legacy (that is, the set of formal and informal rules that regulate the exercise of power in a political regime) of the transition to democracy, particularly those institutional dimensions that are more relevant for social movements—what social movement studies have defined as political opportunities. After setting the theoretical framework by specifying the main qualities of democracy the research has addressed, the chapter covers the legal and constitutional provisions on civil (especially protest) rights, political rights (right to resistance, majoritarian versus consensual assets), and social rights as well as practices—particularly with regard to protest, citizens’ participation, protest policing, and concertation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Fliess

AbstractEmigrant voting rights have opened new electoral arenas, and many political parties increasingly campaign across borders. Yet relatively little is known about the challenges parties confront when campaigning transnationally and the strategies they have developed in response to these challenges. This paper addresses these shortcomings. First, I investigate the hurdles Latin American parties face in linking up with organized migrant collectives in residency countries for campaigning purposes. Second, I probe into the transnational linkage strategies these parties deploy to tap into migrant associations’ resources and mobilization capacities. This study builds on a comparative research design and draws on almost 40 semi-structured interviews with Bolivian and Ecuadorian party activists as well as association leaders in Barcelona, Spain. Departing from the party interest group literature, I identify three transnational linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties implement: 1) Infiltration, 2) Co-optation, and 3) Cooperation. All parties execute these tactics informally in order to comply with local norms that require associations to remain apolitical. The analysis further demonstrates that differences between home-country electoral systems shape the types of linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties use. This article contributes to the study of migrant politics and political parties in important ways. This study highlights how political parties actively negotiate their entry into the transnational electoral arena, and sheds light on how migrants remain politically connected to their home countries.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eitan Y. Alimi ◽  
David S. Meyer

1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Michael Rywkin

Soviet reactions to Western writings on the Soviet Union are as old as the Soviet regime itself. They are handled in an organized manner, with targets, delivery vehicles and gradation of response carefully coordinated and measured.Soviet response is, moreover, not solely connected to the perceived degree of offensiveness of the given Western work; in addition, such considerations as general relations between the USSR and the country from where the publication came, as well as political opportunities of the moment, are given even more importance than the committed “offense.”


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