Partidos conectivos durante la pandemia. La estrategia de comunicación de Podemos en Twitter

Desde el punto de vista comunicativo, los partidos conectivos se definen por su inclinación hacia modelos participativos donde los flujos conversacionales posean una estructura horizontal y bidireccional entre la élite de la formación y el activismo de base. Esto es posible gracias a que ceden parte de su organización a herramientas de la Web. Dentro de esta taxonomía se encuentra el partido español Unidas-Podemos como ejemplo de partido conectivo. En esta investigación se analiza la vertiente comunicativa externa, basada en el uso de redes sociales online, de los principales partidos políticos españoles durante el periodo de Estado de Alarma provocado por el COVID-19. Para ello, se observará la tasa de interacción y respuestas en Twitter de los representantes del Congreso de los Diputados. Los resultados muestran que los patrones comunicativos a nivel externo de Unidas-Podemos responden a criterios verticales, propios de los partidos convencionales. From a communicational point of view, connective parties are based on horizontal and bidirectional structure of conversational flows between the elite of the formation and the party activists. This is possible because they delegate part of their organization to digital and online platforms. In this paper we use the Spanish party Unidas-Podemos as a case of study of connective parties. Drawing upon the Twitter response and interaction rate between Spanish representatives and citizens, this research analyzes the external communicative aspect of the main Spanish political parties during the Lockdown caused by COVID-19. The results show that the external communication patterns of Unidas-Podemos respond to vertical criteria, typical of conventional parties.

Campaigning across continents: how Latin American parties link up with migrant associations abroad

Emigrant voting rights have opened new electoral arenas, and many political parties increasingly campaign across borders. Yet relatively little is known about the challenges parties confront when campaigning transnationally and the strategies they have developed in response to these challenges. This paper addresses these shortcomings. First, I investigate the hurdles Latin American parties face in linking up with organized migrant collectives in residency countries for campaigning purposes. Second, I probe into the transnational linkage strategies these parties deploy to tap into migrant associations’ resources and mobilization capacities. This study builds on a comparative research design and draws on almost 40 semi-structured interviews with Bolivian and Ecuadorian party activists as well as association leaders in Barcelona, Spain. Departing from the party interest group literature, I identify three transnational linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties implement: 1) Infiltration, 2) Co-optation, and 3) Cooperation. All parties execute these tactics informally in order to comply with local norms that require associations to remain apolitical. The analysis further demonstrates that differences between home-country electoral systems shape the types of linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties use. This article contributes to the study of migrant politics and political parties in important ways. This study highlights how political parties actively negotiate their entry into the transnational electoral arena, and sheds light on how migrants remain politically connected to their home countries.

National Socialism

National Socialism was a political and social movement built on ideas and traditions that were already prevalent throughout Imperial Germany. In the early years of the Weimar Republic it was just one of many antisemitic splinter groups of the völkisch and ultranationalist right, yet it had emerged as Germany’s most successful political party at the polls by 1932. This chapter argues that the National Socialists achieved this remarkable success not only through cunning political propaganda and successful exploitation of the post-1929 economic crisis, but even more so because they managed to present themselves as a genuine people’s party. By setting up a multitude of party-affiliated organizations, they penetrated different milieus of German society. For many voters it was ultimately the NSDAP’s promise of individual success as part of a wider national renewal that proved most attractive, rather than the party’s antisemitic platform that was key for the mobilization of party activists.

“Brick Dust and Ashes”: Liberation and Reconstruction

As the Red Army fought its way back west, it discovered a devastated land: thousands of villages burnt to the ground; Jewish civilians, along with those accused of partisan activity or Soviet sympathies, lying dead; and millions of young people sent to Germany as slave labor. Party activists were faced with reintegrating survivors and rebuilding the economy. In western Ukraine, Belorussia, and the Baltic states, nationalist guerrillas continued to fight against Soviet power. NKVD officials carried out “filtration” to identify active collaborators, and the Party and unions reviewed all members who sought reinstatement. The newly freed inhabitants were incorporated into the ration system and subject to mobilization for labor and the army. Many resisted mobilization, especially for work on distant sites, and rebuilding was complicated by nationwide shortages. The German High Command finally surrendered on May 8, 1945. People streamed into the streets to celebrate, dance, embrace, and toast the victory. Although reconstruction would continue for years, the war at last was over.

The Policy Polarization of Party Activists in the United States

This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party’s activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other’s. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public’s policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our findings suggest the need for more nuanced theories of party activism and polarization along with providing a useful lens through which to view party electoral competition.

Postwar Marriage and Divorce

Given the skewed sex ratio, the 1944 Family Law created a gendered situation where marriage had practical disadvantages for men and advantages for women. Men might try to divorce prewar “wives” in order to formalize new “marriages” made during the war, but many would try to avoid marriage because of the increased cost of divorce. Women, in contrast, wanted legal marriage for a variety of reasons. Because of the strict divorce law and men’s unwillingness to legalize marriage, women’s wishes often went unrealized. Not only did the “new class” of unmarried mothers with fatherless children voice their sense of injustice, but wives in legal marriage also complained bitterly about husbands’ affairs with younger women and unpaid child support. Legal specialists and women party activists asked for amendments to the 1944 Family Law, emphasizing the harmful effects of the law on the physical and psychological health of out-of-wedlock children, but discovered that the party leadership preferred to pursue its pronatalist experiment.

The life of the parties: Party activists and the 2016 presidential election

Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump secured their respective party’s 2016 nominations only after raucous, spirited debates among delegates at the start of each party convention. Groups and their preferred candidates behaved consistently with the policy demanders view of parties, which identifies parties as comprised of coalitions of groups with strong policy preferences that negotiate with one another for influence in the party decision-making and policy process. Using the 2016 Convention Delegate Study, the longest standing survey of Democratic and Republican Party activists, we examine intra-party groups as new delegates are folded into the framework along with returning delegates. We assess how the theory of parties as comprised of policy-demander groups works in a context of high external party polarization. The competition between these groups to recast their party in its preferred image in the absence of a standard party bearer for either party holds important implications for Democrats and Republicans in future presidential and congressional elections.