A preliminary outcome of modified enhanced recovery protocol versus standard of care in radical cystectomy: an Indonesian experience

Background This study aimed to evaluate the outcomes of modified Enhanced Recovery After Surgery (ERAS) protocol and standard of care (SC) in bladder cancer patients who underwent radical cystectomy (RC). The length of stay and complications rates were the primary outcomes. Time functional recovery, bowel movement, mobilization, drain removal, and other perioperative outcomes were the secondary outcomes. Methods A cohort retrospective study was conducted to investigate the effectiveness of the modified ERAS protocol compared to SC in 61 patients who underwent RC (36 ERAS vs. 25 SC). Results The modified ERAS protocol was associated with shorter length of stay (9.3 ± 5.0 days vs. 12.6 ± 6.7 days, P = 0.032) and reduction in important postoperative milestones, including days to first solid diet (3.5 ± 1.6 vs. 5.5 ± 1.5, P = 0.000), days to first defecation (4.8 ± 2.4 vs. 7.2 ± 2.4, P = 0.001), days to first walking (4.7 ± 2.2 vs. 7.9 ± 2.4, P = 0.000), and days to drain removal (3.9 ± 1.3 vs. 5.9 ± 2.5 P = 0.001). Postoperative complications rates were lower in the modified ERAS groups, but the result was not statistically significant (P = 0.282). Also, there were no significant differences between transfusion requiring, intensive care monitoring, re-operation, and re-admission between groups. Conclusion This study demonstrated that the modified ERAS protocol for RC can accelerate postoperative recovery without any adverse effects on morbidity and mortality.

The Making of a Movement: An Intergenerational Mobilization Model of the Nonviolent Nashville Civil Rights Movement

The 1960s-era, Nashville nonviolent civil rights movement—with its iconic lunch counter sit-ins—was not only an exemplary local movement that dismantled Jim Crow in downtown public accommodations. It was by design the chief vehicle for the intergenerational mentoring and training of activists that led to a dialogical diffusion of nonviolence praxis throughout the Southern civil rights movement of this period. In this article, we empirically derive from oral-history interviews with activists and archival sources a new “intergenerational model of movement mobilization” and assess its contextual and bridge-leading sustaining factors. After reviewing the literatures on dialogical diffusion and bridge building in social movements, we describe the model and its sustaining conditions—historical, demographic, and spatial conditions—and conclude by presenting a research agenda on the sustainability and generalizability of the Nashville model.

Social Media, Digital Activism, and Online Gender-Based Violence in Indonesia

Online Gender-Based Violence (OGBV) cases in Indonesia are increasing every year. The Indonesian people have not considered the issue of OGBV as an important thing. This study aims to explore digital activism carried out by SAFEnet (Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network) in the “Awas KBGO!” (Beware of OGBV!) Campaign. This research is qualitative research with a case study approach. Researchers want to know the role of social media in digital activism internally (inward) and externally (outward). Data collection techniques are interviews, observation, and literature study. The research subjects were campaign makers, campaign partners, and the target audience of the campaign. The results showed that social media has an important role in digital activism in the “Awas KBGO!” (Beware of OGBV!) Campaign. After conducting the analysis, the researchers found three major themes in the digital activism research conducted by SAFEnet, such as (1) Information Sources; (2) Movement, Mobilization, and Self-Mediation; (3) Online Gender-Based Violence Victims Advocacy.Keywords: Digital activism, online movement, online gender-based violence (OGBV), social media ABSTRAKKasus Kekerasan Berbasis Gender Online (KBGO) di Indonesia naik setiap tahun. Masyarakat Indonesia pun belum menganggap isu KBGO merupakan suatu hal yang penting. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi aktivisme digital yang dilakukan oleh SAFEnet (Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network) dalam kampanye “Awas KBGO!”. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Peneliti ingin mengetahui peran media sosial dalam aktivisme digital secara internal (inward) dan eksternal (outward). Teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, observasi, dan studi pustaka. Subjek penelitian adalah pembuat kampanye, mitra kampanye, dan target audiens kampanye. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa media sosial memiliki peran penting dalam aktivisme digital dalam kampanye “Awas KBGO!”. Setelah dilakukan analisis, peneliti menemukan tiga tema besar dalam penelitian aktivisme digital yang dilakukan SAFEnet dalam kampanye “Awas KBGO!” yaitu: (1) Sumber Informasi; (2) Pergerakkan, Mobilisasi, dan Self-Mediation; (3) Advokasi Korban Kekerasan Berbasis Gender Online. Kata Kunci: Aktivisme digital, gerakan siber, kekerasan berbasis gender online, media sosial

Individual Claimsmaking after the Parkland Shooting

In order to identify factors that may help explain when individual claimsmaking converges around a common set of messages on different forums across a complex media system, we examine individual discourse during the two-week period in which the "Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Act" was debated, passed, and signed into law by Governor Rick Scott. Specifically, we assess the extent to which two factors identified in the literature as relevant to individual expression – elite frames and movement mobilization – seem to influence claimsmaking in three mediated forums - Twitter, Letters to the Editor and op-eds that appear in mainstream news outlets, and emails sent to Rick Scott about the legislation. We find that movement mobilization, in particular, seems to have influenced individual claimsmaking across the forums. Additionally, we find that there is more coalescence in claimsmaking around the gun control movement than the gun rights movement, and that movement coordination may help explain these differences.

The Making of Contentious Political Space: The Transformation of Hong Kong’s Victoria Park

Space plays a vital role in structuring and forming social movements into particular shapes—especially via its physical settings, the representation constructed through dominant and alternative discourses, and protesters’ spatial practices therein. Geographers and urban theorists have long argued that public space is of paramount significance to collective actions. Yet we know less about how a sustainable, manageable, and iconic public space for continuous movement mobilization is created. This article uses Victoria Park, an iconic public space of contention in Hong Kong, as a case to examine how a contentious political space is made. Through archival research, we demonstrate how the Defend Diaoyutai Islands Movement of the 1970s transformed the park from an “empty” recreational space to a political space. People’s political actions made this transformation of the spatial order possible. Nonetheless, the British colonial government re-policed the spatial norms of the space, which in turn regulated both the government and protesters. The study affords significant opportunities for thinking about the spatial constraints of contentious politics.

BROKER AND BUFFER: WHY ENVIRONMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS PARTICIPATE IN POPULAR PROTESTS IN CHINA*

The social movement literature considers that institutional allies facilitate movement mobilization and favorable outcomes, but it has not sufficiently analyzed how such alliances emerge and endure. This gap becomes more significant in nondemocratic settings, where institutional support of protests is monitored, restricted, and suppressed. Drawing upon fifty in-depth interviews, this article examines the variations of environmental nongovernmental organizations' (NGO) participation in four popular protests in China. I find that environmental NGOs collaborated with grassroots protesters to varying degrees, ranging from minimal presence of information provision, policy advocacy, coalition building, to pervasive participation including protest mobilization. The degree of NGO participation cannot be explained by organizational resources, civic communities, or political environments; rather, it hinges on skillful agencies that broker otherwise disconnected resources and buffer political pressure for their partners. My research contributes to the relational approach to social movements and to studies on the interactions among social movements, NGOs, and the authoritarian state.