Ecological Research Initiated by the German Federal Government in the North and Baltic Seas

2006 ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
Joachim Kutscher
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Ecological Research ◽  
The North

Discriminatory Taxation in Light of Fortescue: Its Implications for the Development of Northern Australia

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Anthony Gray
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Northern Australia ◽  
High Court ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Regions ◽  
Word Discrimination ◽  
Taxation System

In the recent Fortescue decision, the High Court made some interesting observations regarding interpretation of the word ‘discrimination’ in the context of the Federal Government's power with respect to taxation in s 51(2) of the Australian Constitution. Coincidentally, the Federal Government has commenced consideration of options for the development of northern regions of Australia. Of course, one option would be to introduce a variable taxation system to encourage businesses and individuals to be based, and/or invest, in northern Australia. This article considers possible constitutional issues associated with variable taxation schemes overtly favouring businesses and individuals based in the ‘north’, given the recent High Court decision.

The Best Defense Is a Good Offense: The Stennis Amendment and the Fracturing of Liberal School Desegregation Policy, 1964–1972

2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Crespino
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Residential Patterns ◽  
The Real ◽  
State Action ◽  
The North ◽  
Attorneys General ◽  
Uniform Policy

In December 1969, Governor John Bell Williams of Mississippi, one of the most notorious southern segregationists, proposed a $1 million program financed by the Mississippi state legislature to file school desegregation suits in northern states. “For fifteen years we have been on the defense,” Williams said. “Now we are going on the offense.” Williams's campaign was just one example of an odd but familiar trend that had emerged by 1970. Some of the most determined southern segregationists became enthusiastic supporters of northern school desegregation. In January 1970, the attorneys general in Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida announced plans to intervene as friends of the court in a Pasadena, California, school desegregation case. In February 1970, the governor of Louisiana appealed to citizens of his state to fund a nationwide television campaign calling for equal treatment between northern and southern schools. Most important, that same month, U.S. Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi carried the fight to the floor of the Senate. He introduced an amendment to a federal education bill that called for equal desegregation efforts in both the North and the South, regardless of whether the segregation resulted from state action or residential patterns. Stennis complained that the federal government was pursuing a regional desegregation plan. His ostensible goal was to bring about “one uniform policy” on school desegregation, “applicable nationwide.” But the real motivation, which almost every southern official conceded, was the hope that accelerated desegregation in the North would spark a broader, national backlash against school desegregation.

409 George Street

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen M. Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Basic Education ◽  
Funding Agency ◽  
Economic Opportunity ◽  
George Street ◽  
The North ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
Economic Opportunity Act ◽  
Eastern North Carolina

This chapter discusses the founding of Craven Operation Progress (COP) and the broad and enthusiastic support it received from the North Carolina Fund, its first funding agency. When President Lyndon Johnson signed the Economic Opportunity Act in August 1964 critical antipoverty plans and programs for Craven County and nearby counties had been under way for more than half a year. These included a strawberry marketing program, a rural environmental sanitation program, adult basic education classes, and manpower training. From the very beginning, plans and incentives to combat the causes of poverty in Eastern North Carolina did not await direction or guidance from the federal government but grew instead out of local needs and circumstances.

The South, a Trade Partner?

2019 ◽  
pp. 140-158
Author(s):  
Stève Sainlaude
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
North American ◽  
Economic Pressure ◽  
The South ◽  
The Real ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Trade Partner

Europe’s dependency on North American cotton gave the South leverage. Once hostilities began, the Confederates hoped to inspire a diplomatic choice in their favour through economic pressure since France and Britain felt the effects of the “cotton famine.” The Tuileries cabinet tried to determine the origin of the shortage while assessing the real impact of the crisis on the workforce. Though it initially seemed that the North’s blockade of Southern ports was to blame, proof was uncovered that the cotton supply was being intentionally limited with the Southern leaders’ assent, with some Southern planters burning their cotton rather than see it fall into the hands of Northerners. The effects of the cotton crisis were less dramatic than first expected due to the existence of a cotton surplus in France right before the war, alternate suppliers outside Dixie, and the relatively low number of French workers who were directly dependent on cotton. France also did not lose sight of trade in wheat and other products with the states loyal to the Federal government. This concern for trade in the North explains why France, like the United Kingdom, confounded Southern expectations by not recognizing the Confederacy or otherwise intervening in the conflict.

Northern Desegregation: A Tale of Two Cities

2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-104
Author(s):  
Dionne Danns
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
School Funding ◽  
Court Case ◽  
The North ◽  
Department Of Health ◽  
Title Iv ◽  
Supreme Court Case ◽  
The Right

Throughout American history, African American communities have fought for desegregated education, equal school funding, and the right to a quality education. Many activists and scholars have long believed that a racially desegregated education would be the best way to educate citizens in a democratic society. Segregated education has historically been a reality for many African Americans throughout the nation. Before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) successfully won the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court case, much of the attention to racial segregation was paid to the South, although there had been numerous cases fought in the North before the Brown decision. After Brown, the NAACP decided to take their school desegregation litigation to the North in an effort to fight de facto segregation. The federal government also became involved in school desegregation with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (Title IV and VI) and through the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) and the Justice Department who enforced the act. Court cases, along with the federal government efforts, pushed school districts in the North and South to desegregate.

Networking: From the Long-Term Ecological Research Program to the National Ecological Observatory Network

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce P. Hayden
Keyword(s):  
Atlantic Coast ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
Cape Cod ◽  
Ecological Research ◽  
Environmental Biology ◽  
The North ◽  
Virginia Coast Reserve ◽  
Long Term Ecological Research ◽  
Disciplinary Background

As a scientist, the Long-Term Ecological Research (LTER) program has been on my mind for more than three decades. As an educator, I have served in the classroom for 41 years. The merger of the physical and the ecological sciences was at the core of my teaching philosophy. As a science communicator, I informed the general public on issues of climate and climate change. As a collaborator, I found that understanding strengths and weaknesses in collaborative partnerships best ensures success. As a science leader, I served at the National Science Foundation (NSF) as the Director of the Division of Environmental Biology (DEB), established the Schoolyard LTER Program, and launched the National Ecological Observatory Network (NEON). My disciplinary background includes formal graduate education at the University of Wisconsin in meteorology, climatology, and paleoclimatology, as well as in oceanography and biology (mycology, botany, zoology, and genecology). As a postdoctoral fellow, my scientific identity was on track to culminate as a paleoclimatologist. As an assistant and associate professor, my identity morphed to include coastal geomorphology (Hayden et al. 1995). Finally, my experiences in the LTER program have vectored my career toward the interactions of climate and vegetation (Hayden 1998). My affiliation is with the Virginia Coast Reserve (VCR) site in the LTER program (1986–2014). As one of the founding principal investigators of the VCR site, I have served in subsequent renewals as its principal or co-principal investigator. Our site-based research plan focused on the Virginia Coast Reserve on Virginia’s eastern shore with a focus on the dynamics of the chain of 14 barrier islands, bounded by the entrance to the Chesapeake Bay to the south and Assateague Barrier Island to the north. This peninsula is 100 km in length by 20 km in width. Only the islands fronting the Mississippi delta are more dynamic in both the temporal and spatial domains. Prior to joining the LTER program, my research was hemispheric to regional in scope, and it focused on the environmental dynamics of the Atlantic Coast from Florida to Cape Cod at 50-m intervals (Fenster and Hayden 2007).

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