409 George Street

Author(s):  
Karen M. Hawkins

This chapter discusses the founding of Craven Operation Progress (COP) and the broad and enthusiastic support it received from the North Carolina Fund, its first funding agency. When President Lyndon Johnson signed the Economic Opportunity Act in August 1964 critical antipoverty plans and programs for Craven County and nearby counties had been under way for more than half a year. These included a strawberry marketing program, a rural environmental sanitation program, adult basic education classes, and manpower training. From the very beginning, plans and incentives to combat the causes of poverty in Eastern North Carolina did not await direction or guidance from the federal government but grew instead out of local needs and circumstances.

1997 ◽  
Vol 87 (10) ◽  
pp. 1000-1004 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Cubeta ◽  
B. R. Cody ◽  
Y. Kohli ◽  
L. M. Kohn

Eighty-four isolates of Sclerotinia sclerotiorum from four cabbage production fields in North Carolina and 16 isolates from an experimental cabbage field plot in Louisiana were DNA-fingerprinted and tested for mycelial compatibility. In a comparison with 594 unique DNA fingerprints of S. sclerotiorum from Canadian canola, no fingerprints were shared among Canadian, North Carolina, and Louisiana populations. DNA fingerprints from the North Carolina sample were distinctive from those of the Canadian and Louisiana samples, with significantly more hybridizing fragments in the 7.7- to 18-kilobase range. Forty-one mycelial compatibility groups (MCGs) and 50 unique DNA fingerprints were identified from the North Carolina sample. Three MCGs and three fingerprints were identified from the Louisiana sample. From the North Carolina sample, 32 MCGs were each associated with a unique fingerprint; of these, there were 11 clones (i.e., cases in which two or more isolates belonged to the same MCG and shared the same DNA fingerprint). Six clones sampled from two or more fields represented approximately 29% of the total sample (24 of 84 isolates), with six clones recovered from fields 75 km apart. There were 10 cases in which one MCG was associated with more than one DNA fingerprint and two cases in which one DNA fingerprint was associated with more than one MCG. The small sample from Louisiana was strictly clonal. The North Carolina sample had a clonal component, but deviated from one-to-one association of MCG with DNA fingerprint to an extent consistent with more recombination or transposition than the other two populations sampled.


2021 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
David Silkenat

In 1861 and 1862, Union forces invaded and occupied eastern North Carolina. This chapter explores the origins, execution, and consequences of this invasion, looking at its military, social, and political significance. It highlights the weakness of Confederate fortifications along the North Carolina coast and the Union military leadership of Cmdr. Silas Stringham, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler, Brig. Gen. Ambrose Burnside, and Capt. Louis Goldsborough. As one of the first sites in the South occupied by the Union Army, coastal North Carolina created an early venue for wartime Reconstruction. The chapter emphasizes how African Americans responded to the Union invasion, escaping from slavery, forming refugee camps in Union enclaves, and working for the Union war effort. In 1862, Military Governor Edward Stanly tried to reinstitute slavery.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Rosen ◽  
Joseph Mosnier

This chapter describes Chambers's return to North Carolina in July 1964, and his success in quickly elevating North Carolina to the forefront of the LDF's national litigation campaign to translate provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to overcome racial segregation in public accommodation, schools, and employment. Chambers, who opened his small office in Charlotte the same week that Lyndon Johnson signed the new Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law, quickly assumed leadership of the Legal Redress Committee of the North Carolina NAACP, which had long spearheaded civil rights litigation in the state. Chambers barnstormed North Carolina to inform black citizens of their rights and prospective new remedies afforded by the Civil Rights Act and soon launched a spate of new legal actions targeting the state's largest school district and employers. In January of 1965, as Chambers addressed a rally at a black church in New Bern, his car was dynamited; local legal authorities showed little enthusiasm to prosecute the Klan-affiliated assailants.


Anaerobe ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elsburgh O. Clarke ◽  
Michael K. Stoskopf ◽  
Larry J. Minter ◽  
Elizabeth M. Stringer

2012 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio B. Rodriguez ◽  
Matthew N. Waters ◽  
Michael F. Piehler

Carolina bays are nearly ubiquitous along ~ 1300 km of the North American Atlantic Coastal Plain, but relatively few bays have been examined in detail, making their formation and evolution a topic of controversy. The Lake Mattamuskeet basin, eastern North Carolina, USA, is a conglomeration of multiple Carolina bays that form a > 162 km2 lake. The eastern shoreline of the lake is made up of a 2.9-km-wide plain of parabolic ridges that recorded rapid shoreface progradation. The lower shoreface deposit contains abundant charcoal beds and laminae dated 6465–6863 cal yr BP, corresponding with initiation of a lacustrine environment in the eastern part of the lake. A core from the western part of the lake sampled a 1541–1633 cal yr BP charcoal bed at the base of the lacustrine unit, indicating formation of this part of the basin postdates the eastern basin. Lake Mattamuskeet has no relationship to the Younger Dryas or a linked impact event because rim accretion significantly postdates 12,000 cal yr BP. The shoreline progradation, and association of charcoal beds with the oldest lake sediment in both main parts of the basin, suggest that fire and subsequent hydrodynamic processes were associated with initial formation of these Carolina bays.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Davies

In 1964 President Lyndon Johnson, professing himself alarmed by the seemingly “endless growth of relief rolls,” declared “war” on poverty. Walter Heller, his chief economic adviser, had recently remarked that it would be quite possible to eliminate the symptoms of poverty by simply redistributing two percent of the national income. Johnson, however, preferred to attack thesourcesof deprivation, claiming that the range of rehabilitative services provided by his Economic Opportunity Act would allow the poor to engineer their own paths to affluence.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabrina Pendergrass

AbstractThis study examines how African Americans perceive and manage race and region as they migrate to the U.S. South—a region with a tenuous image of racial prejudice. The analysis is juxtaposed to literature that provides an inconsistent view of regional differences in prejudice. Some researchers argue that regional differences in levels of prejudice are now small, while other researchers argue that the South continues to be a place of much greater racial hostility. Guided by a spatial boundaries approach and using 127 narrative interviews with Black interregional migrants to Charlotte, North Carolina, results indicate that Black migrants focus less on levels of racial prejudice across regions and focus more on six dimensions of everyday racism they consider during migration. These dimensions include—the overtness/subtlety of prejudice, verbal and physical harassment, group economic opportunity, physical distance, racial symbols, and paternalism. Among these migrants, there is no consensus that the South is more or less racially hostile than other regions. They perceive most saliently that they are trading more subtle prejudice, higher levels of racial residential segregation, and greater constraints on Black economic opportunity in the North, for more overt prejudice, greater paternalism, and exposure to Confederate symbols in the South. Patterns also emerged in perceptions of regional boundaries based on class, motivation for moving, gender, and generation. Implications for theories of race and regionalism are discussed.


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