Losing Grounds: Masculine-Authoritarian Reconfigurations of Power Structures in the European Union

The various regional integration formulas, have become prevalent since the second half of the twentieth century under the influence The need dictated by the data of growth and the economic interests of the members of integration, the conviction dictated by economic objectivity based on theories of integration and economic cooperation and its positive economic effect, or data of change and the balance of international powers and the nature of The global system, including. The end of the Cold War helped the power mechanisms witness a temporal and spatial change that made the economic and cognitive power the rest of the power variables. And he identified the new power structures and imposed new rules in the interaction of countries, and produced patterns of relations and different interactions in terms of type, goals and roles, and established a new style in the mechanisms of influence and power and making regional and international poles after pooling capabilities in larger structures in which roles and resources are distributed according to economic logic. Hence, it is possible to focus on two models of integration forms, namely the European Union and the Shanghai Organization. In this framework, two levels of research were focused on the outcomes of integration at the level of members and the bloc in general, and the second focuses on the roles that integration provides in the field of regional and international balance, where it will be imposed New integration force factors are a new pattern of power balance.

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Ireland, Europe and the Global Crisis

Journal of World-Systems Research ◽

10.5195/jwsr.2016.634 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 22 (1) ◽

pp. 177-201 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Maurice Coakley

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

European Integration ◽

Global Financial Crisis ◽

The European Union ◽

Eurozone Crisis ◽

Power Structures ◽

Fully Integrated ◽

The Global Financial Crisis ◽

Integration Project ◽

The Eu

For Ireland – along with Spain, Portugal and Greece – membership of ‘Europe’ was seen as an opportunity to escape their historical legacy of ‘underdevelopment’ and become fully integrated into core positions in the global system. Each of these states, and especially Ireland experienced significant growth in the European Union but once the global financial crisis struck, they suffered a deep economic and social crisis, and came to be categorised once again as ‘peripheral’ to Europe. This acute recurrence of a core-periphery divide in the European Union has been accompanied by a rapid diminution of democracy in the EU and its transformation into an increasingly coercive formation. The deprivation programmes imposed by the EU on the peripheral societies has not only damaged growth in the European economy, they have hugely diminished the legitimacy of the European integration project. The essay explores the roots of Europe’s changing power structures and assesses the implications of the Eurozone crisis for the future of the European integration project.

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Our ‘Common European Home’—But Who Owns the House?

The Sociological Review ◽

10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03505.x ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 48 (1_suppl) ◽

pp. 21-47

Author(s):

John Markoff

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Eighteenth Century ◽

Social Movements ◽

Local Power ◽

The European Union ◽

Power Structures ◽

The People ◽

Democratic Control ◽

Governmental Power ◽

The Eu

In this chapter, John Markoff notes that although the European Union has a strong formal commitment to democratic values, for example in the tests it applies to new entrants, and although civic freedoms are strong throughout the EU, this body nevertheless poses a challenge to democratisation. This is because the development of democratic freedoms and political practices has, since the eighteenth century, been accompanied by the activities of social movements that have placed pressure ‘from below’ upon government bodies, making them accountable to the people. As more governmental power drifts upwards, above the level of the national state, the capacity of social movements to exercise influence decreases. Paradoxically, while the EU supports democracy within its member states, it remains relatively free of effective democratic control itself. During the nineteenth century, social movements reoriented themselves from local power structures to national states but they have been less effective in reorienting themselves yet again to the suprastate level.

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