scholarly journals Tunisia’s Re-Configurations and Transitional Justice in Process: How Planned Processes of Social and Political Change Interplay with Unplanned Political Dynamics

Author(s):  
Mariam Salehi

Abstract This chapter seeks to explain the developments of the Tunisian transitional justice process. Drawing on Norbert Elias’s ideas about social processes, it argues that dynamics of transitional justice processes can neither be understood solely in light of international norms and the “justice industry” that both shape institutionalized transitional justice projects, nor simply by examining context and the political preferences of domestic actors. Rather, these shifts are shaped by the interplay of planned processes with unplanned political and social dynamics; with a political context in flux, power shifts, and sometimes competing planned efforts in other realms. Empirically grounded in “process-concurrent” field research in post- “Arab Spring” Tunisia, the contribution shows that a technocratic/institutionalized transitional justice project can develop dynamics that are somewhat, but not entirely, independent of power shifts. However, the above interplays may lead to frictional encounters that trigger feedback loops, new processes, and new structures.

Subject Reconciliation law prospects Significance Tunisia's parliament is expected to debate a controversial reconciliation law proposed by President Beji Caid Essebsi, which grants amnesty for financial crimes committed during the rule of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011). The law aims to recover an estimated 3.5 billion dollars from thousands of former public officials and businessmen acquired through embezzlement, unfair loans and tax evasion. The legislation contradicts and undermines a 2013 transitional justice law intended to uncover past abuses and promote a transitional justice process. Impacts Whitewashing past financial abuses will deepen a sense among many Tunisians that the old regime remains firmly in control. Without addressing authoritarian economic structures and passing economic reforms, Tunisia's economic potential will remain limited. Tensions within the Islamist movement Ennahda will intensify, furthering a push for separating the political party from the movement.


Author(s):  
Irene Bono

AbstractPolitical biographies and the narratives of the nation-state may exert a reciprocal fictional influence: the nation as imagined community is often embodied in the biographies of imaginary actors. Since the 2004 launch of the transitional justice process in Morocco this tendency has led to increased attention for the stories of the victims of the violations committed by the State between 1956 and 1999 as if they were the main witnesses of the political change. In parallel, the protagonists of the nationalist struggle that led to independence from the French protectorate in 1956 have been acknowledged without, apparently, feeling it necessary to hear what they have to say about it. This chapter reflects on theoretical and methodological perspectives that allow the use of biography to explore political change beyond taken-for-granted conceptions of the nation-state and its trajectories of change. Reflecting on the relationship that developed between the author and a single actor called Abk, who wanted to tell his life story, the chapter proposes the writing of biography as a form of archival research and a fieldwork practice for exploring memory. It shows how paying attention to personal ways of conserving memory and remembering enables us to approach politics beyond predefined horizons of change without seeing a priori social configurations as ineluctable givens. Such a perspective, which the author calls “discrete”, suggests considering politics as a phenomenon that is difficult to fit into formal models of explanation, and taking subjectivity, the variability of life paths and contingency as relevant objects of inquiry for understanding political change.


2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Halloran

Modern accounts of the battle of Brunanburh have generally suggested a location in the Northumbrian-Mercian borderlands east or west of the Pennines, a conclusion based in part on analysis of the aims and strategy of Anlaf Guthfrithson, Viking king of Dublin. This article re-examines the political dynamics of the coalition against Athelstan, taking account of the territorial and political ambitions of the kings of Alba and Strathclyde, and proposes a radically different interpretation of the campaign of 937. It also questions the reliability of the variant form Brunanburh as a guide to the battle's location and concludes that the most likely site was Burnswark in Annandale.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Haryo Suganda ◽  
Raja Muhammad Amin

This study is motivated the identification of policies issued by the regional Governmentof Rokan Hulu in the form of Regulatory region number 1 by 2015 on the determination of thevillage and Indigenous Village. Political dynamics based on various interests against themanufacture of, and decision-making in the process of formation of the corresponding localregulations determination of Indigenous Villages in the Rokan Hulu is impacted to a verysignificantamount of changes from the initial draft of the number i.e. 21 (twenty one) the villagebecame Customary 89 (eighty-nine) the Indigenous Villages who have passed. Type of thisresearch is a qualitative descriptive data analysis techniques. The research aims to describe theState of the real situation in a systematic and accurate fact analysis unit or related research, aswell as observations of the field based on the data (information). Method of data collectionwas done with interviews, documentation, and observations through fieldwork (field research).The results of the research on the process of discussion of the draft local regulations andmutual agreement about Designation of Indigenous Villages in the Rokan Hulu is, showed thatthe political dynamics that occur due to the presence of various political interests, rejectionorally by Villagers who were judged to have met the requirements of Draft Regulations to beformulated and the area for the set to be Indigenous Villages, and also there is a desire fromsome villages in the yet to Draft local regulations in order to set the Indigenous village , there isa wide range of interests of these aspects influenced the agreement to assign the entire localVillage which is in the Rokan Hulu become Indigenous village, and the village of Transmigrationinto administrative Villages where the initiator of the changes in the number of IndigenousVillages in the Rokan Hulu it is the desire of the local Government of its own.


Author(s):  
Paul Kingston

The chapter outlines how researchers take on different roles and positionalities as they adapt to the field, moving, for instance, from that of an “outsider” laden with externalized theoretical assumptions and having few contacts with and knowledge of the research site to one approaching, to varying degrees, that of a “pseudo-insider.” Indeed, the argument here is that researchers make choices when moving from outsider to insider roles (and between them), contingently adapting their positionality in the hope to better understand the political dynamics that underlie research projects. The setting is post-civil war Lebanon and the research project revolves around an examination of the micropolitics of civil society and associational life in this re-emerging but fragmented polity.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This book examines the implications of constitutionalism for the constitutional legal order and the political community which is meant to live by it. The book demonstrates what is at stake in the debate on constitutionalism through numerous examples of political anomalies and abuse of power. It presents stories of constitutional success and failure to give a sense of the current threats, arguing that constitutions are not mere practical applications of political philosophies or opportunistic political deals. The book considers foundational issues related to constitutions and constitutionalism as reflected in influential ideas, political practices, and social dynamics behind the scenes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Katrin Travouillon ◽  
Julie Bernath

Abstract The international community is as ubiquitous as it is elusive and its universalist pretensions remain unchallenged in political and academic discourse. In response, this article turns to Bottici's work on political myths. Against the notion of myths as falsehoods, we argue that they create their own sphere of shared social and political reality. The analysis centres on the case of Cambodia, a country that served as an experiment of liberal interventionism. It draws on archival and field research on two consecutive international interventions, a review of public statements by international actors, and interviews with Cambodian actors and activist. We argue that to understand the ideas actors use to orient themselves as they press for change, it is necessary to consider how decades of engagement with the myth have shaped the political imaginary. Our empirical analysis points to three different phases in the use of the myth: Its production during UNTAC, the reinforcement of its narratives through subsequent legal, aid and development interventions, and finally its contemporary use in a post-liberal context. We observe that Cambodian actors increasingly engage the myth to question the terms of transnational cooperation for democracy. Our work has implications for assessments of the legacies of liberal peacebuilding.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.


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