Indian Politics: Discourses and Narratives

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Raja Qaiser Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Asian Survey ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Partha S. Ghosh ◽  
Rajaram Panda

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 151-151
Author(s):  
Ashalatha.P Ashalatha.P ◽  
Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 524-524
Author(s):  
BASAPATTAN S. A BASAPATTAN S. A ◽  
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 255-268
Author(s):  
Amit Kumar

Modern politics, particularly prevalent in the Western Democracies, is replete with instances wherein communication has come to play a pivotal role in the formation or dislodging a government. This is not to say that in traditional political scenario, the role of communication was any lesser. Far from it, communication has always characterized the build-up of events in politics. However, the significance of the same has increased manifold thanks to the advent of social media and complex nature of modern politics as well as due to rise of such concepts as political branding which has gained traction in the wake of proliferation of technology. The same holds true in the Indian political scenario as well. The last few years have redefined the role of communication and its tools in Indian politics, especially during a mega-political event like election. The last two general elections were testimonies to the same. The might of social media has been realized by even its staunchest critics. Along with it, the popular concept of permanent campaign has also characterized the phenomenon of political communication. This paper goes on to explore the underlying concept of political communication and how the same has come to influence the turn of events as well as the final outcome of an election.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Krishna Saha ◽  
◽  
Bhagyasree Saha ◽  

Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter addresses India’s more recent experience of populism at the national level. While India has avoided a return to authoritarianism since the Emergency, populism has been a recurrent feature of Indian politics. The persistence of divided party rule between the national and subnational levels has meant an uneasy tension between two different modes of political mobilization for national office. National–subnational coalitions based on the distribution of pork have undergirded several Congress party governments. However, such coalitions remain inherently unstable given the autonomy of India’s subnational unit, and they are vulnerable to outflanking by populist appeals over the heads of state governments. The electoral success of the BJP under Modi in 2014 illustrates the appeal of populist mobilization in a vertically fragmented patronage-based system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-551
Author(s):  
Bhuwan Kumar Jha

The Nehru Report of August 1928 presented the blueprint of a Swaraj Constitution. Encapsulating the demands of the Indians to the colonial government as opposed to the latter’s insistence on seeking opinion through an all-whites commission, the report also presents the historical roots of our present Constitution. Amid opposing claims, consensus over the communal issues in the report, which appeared possible until late 1928, became elusive from the end of December 1928. It was mainly due to the closing of the ranks of significant Muslim leadership behind Jinnah, and an ever-increasing vigilant attitude of the Hindu Mahasabha in not allowing any change beyond what had already been agreed upon. The failure of the report meant an end to the hope of finding a consensual solution to a future Indian Constitution made by the Indians and for the Indians. This, in turn, provided the colonial government with an excuse to impose its scheme through the Communal Award, White Paper and subsequently the Government of India Act of 1935. So, the most elaborate constitutional framework prepared by the leading nationalist leaders during the pre-Independence era finally crumbled under the weight of communal deadlock. This article studies the processes through which the differences over communal representation became so overpowering that they rocked the entire boat. The widening of communal fault lines precipitated by contesting claims over the recommendations of the Nehru Report left serious repercussions over the trajectory of future Indian politics.


Author(s):  
Daniel K. Richter ◽  
Troy L. Thompson

Scholars often portray indigenous peoples' interactions with the Atlantic world in linear terms: European expansion engulfed native communities and enslaves them to a global capitalist system. The mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, however, tells a more complicated tale. By the 1750s, many native peoples had learnt from decades of experience how to engage the Atlantic world on their own varied terms, often to their own advantage. Those engagements were disrupted by the British, French, and Spanish imperial crises spawned by the Seven Years War and especially by the creole independence movements born during those crises. The process worked out differently north and south of the Rio Grande, but, throughout the Americas, the collapse of European empires severed connections that had once guaranteed indigenous autonomy. If balance was the principle of ‘modern Indian politics’, trade was its glue. Throughout the Americas, creoles who proclaimed themselves civilised arrogated to themselves the terms on which native peoples could, or could not, engage with the Atlantic world.


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