political mobilization
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2022 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Luis Meza Medina

En los sistemas democráticos es posible encontrar una diversidad de complejidades que van moldeando la cultura política de los ciudadanos. Dentro de esta cultura política se puede encontrar la desafección política, en donde la ciudadanía desconfía en las instituciones y se aleja de los asuntos relacionados con la política. El presente documento tiene como objetivo elaborar una revisión documental del conocimiento disponible en México sobre los estudios empíricos que han abordado la relación entre efectos mediáticos y desafección política. De la revisión elaborada en el contexto mexicano, se concluye que si bien los paradigmas predominantes son el de malestar mediático (media malaise), así como el de movilización política (political mobilization), los cuales tienen premisas relativamente contrarias, estos se complementan entre sí y los efectos tienden a variar en relación con los niveles de exposición que las audiencias tengan de los diferentes medios y sus contenidos.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Ivan Skripka ◽  

The article examines the phenomenon of the influence of social networks on election campaigns using the example of Norway. For an introduction to the context of the electoral situation in Norway, the author describes the election programs of the main Norwegian political parties. Methods of content analysis and discourse analysis are used to better understand network voter mobilization. The author provides a review of the literature on this topic in order to substantiate the need for the applied methodology. The analysis of the share of Internet users in different countries has been carried out. The most popular social networks have been identified and the networks that are best suited for political mobilization and are used in Norway have been identified. The author carried out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the official Facebook accounts of the Norwegian parliamentary parties during the election campaign in 2021. The study revealed the main trends in the behavior of political parties and their voters on the Facebook social network. The author concludes that all political parties in Norway use social networks as one of the main channels for mobilizing supporters. In addition, this tool allows parties to respond to current topics and changing voter sentiments.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110632
Author(s):  
Mallory E. SoRelle

Public policies that promote personal responsibility while minimizing government responsibility are a key feature of modern American political economy. They can decrease Americans’ political participation on a given issue, with detrimental consequences for the wellbeing of economically insecure families. Can this pattern be overcome? I argue that attribution frames highlighting government’s role in and responsibility for policies may increase people’s propensity for political action on an issue, but only if the frame can increase the salience of their preexisting beliefs about government intervention. Drawing on the case of consumer financial protection, I administer an experiment to determine the effect of attribution framing on people’s willingness to act in support of a popular banking reform. I find that helping people draw parallels between an issue they feel responsibility for and one they accept government responsibility for can boost political engagement on behalf of the original policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110405
Author(s):  
Hye-Sung Kim ◽  
Jeremy Horowitz

Ethnic pandering, in which candidates promise to cater to the interests of coethnic voters, is presumed to be an effective strategy for increasing electoral support in Africa’s emerging multiethnic democracies. However, ethnic political mobilization may be disdained by citizens for its divisive and polarizing effects, particularly in urban areas. As a result, pandering may fall on deaf ears among Africa’s urban voters. This study examines how voters in Kenya’s capital city, Nairobi, respond to ethnic pandering using data from a vignette experiment conducted in 2015 and a replication study implemented in 2016. Results show that respondents are more supportive of candidates who make ethnically inclusive rather than targeted appeals, regardless of whether the candidate is identified as a coethnic. We propose that the results are driven by a broad distaste among urban voters for parochial politics, rather than by strategic calculations related to candidate viability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Nikolay Vladimirovich Grishin

The article examines the methodological possibilities of reinforcement theory in the field of studying the influence of Internet technologies on political behavior. The prospects of the theory of reinforcement are considered in the context of the changing role of Internet technologies in the political process since the beginning of the 2010s and the growing popularity of competing methodological directions, first of all, the theory of mobilization. It is revealed that the rivalry between the theory of reinforcement and the theory of mobilization at the present stage turns into a state of methodological dualism. Reinforcement theory not only retained its significance in the context of the growth of political mobilization in the period of the 2010s, but also received further development: the new concept of selective avoidance supplemented its theoretical apparatus. Reinforcement theory retains its significance for the study of political leadership among Russian youth, the activities of radical youth organizations. One of the factors in preserving the methodological potential of reinforcement theory in the study of the political activism of Russian youth is the practical combination of its principles with the network approach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-36
Author(s):  
V. Achkasova ◽  
Yu. Dobrovol'skaya

The article attempts to develop an approach to describing the mechanism of network political mobilization by political leaders. The purpose was achieved through a pilot empirical study. In order to obtain data on the participants, means and methods of political mobilization in the network space the method of questioning was used. The audience of the research is students of universities of large Russian cities in the number of 83 people. Participants of research are selected by a method of purposeful sampling. The objectives of the analysis are also the communication environment of political leaders in the network space, technologies, methods and system of evaluation of interaction in social media. The results of the research confirmed the hypothesis of the deployment process of the phenomenon of network political leadership, identified and described trends in the communications of network leaders. Authors offered a methodology of research of network mobilization process through a prism of parameters of network involvement and online political support. The presence of these elements makes it possible to launch the mechanism of political mobilization in social networks. In the long term, the data obtained and the developed tools for empirical research can be useful in conducting large-scale political research, in particular, studying the phenomenon of political recruiting.


2021 ◽  
pp. 286-306
Author(s):  
Lucian N. Leustean

This chapter investigates the political mobilization of religious networks in the construction of the European Union by focusing on the role of key religious organizations in dialogue with European institutions, from the 1950 Schuman Declaration to the institutionalization of religious dialogue in Article 17 of the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. It sets out a typology of transnational religious structures, elaborates the main policy areas for religious/convictional actors, and discusses major challenges to the present structure and nature of the European Union, paying particular attention to the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (Brexit), the movement of forcibly displaced populations, and the rise of populism and right-wing nationalism.


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