Racial Segregation and School Poverty in the United States, 1999–2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin M. Fahle ◽  
Sean F. Reardon ◽  
Demetra Kalogrides ◽  
Ericka S. Weathers ◽  
Heewon Jang
Author(s):  
Wendy Gonaver

This chapter examines the life and writings of Superintendent John M Galt, and argues that the experience of heading an asylum in the United States South and the example of slaves hiring out prompted institutional innovation. Galt was the only American Superintendent to publicly endorse total non-restraint, reject racial segregation, and promote the cottage system of outpatient care. By showing that slavery provided the impetus for cost-saving initiatives that also maximized patients’ rights, this chapter connects the history of psychiatry with recent scholarship on slavery and modernity. Shunned by his peers in the Association of Medical Superintendents of American Institutions for the Insane, Galt tried to establish a transnational network with superintendents in Brazil and Russia, two societies that were also shaped by systems of coercive labor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 92-122
Author(s):  
Jacob Darwin Hamblin

As with its overall foreign policy, the United States framed its atomic energy offerings as part of the global struggle between the “free world” and the communists, a division that masked the firm US military alignment with colonial powers. The United States continued that framing even as nations such as India and Ghana tried to forge a different path that associated atomic energy with the struggle for national or even racial liberation. The specter haunting Eisenhower and his successors was the emergence of a bloc of countries whose concerns were primarily racial and anti-colonial. Given the reality of racial segregation at home and the government’s close alliance with colonial powers of Europe, such a framing would put the United States on the side of the old colonial masters. American politicians utilized the promise of atomic energy to dim such perceptions amid numerous racially charged challenges in the 1950s and ’60s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. p57
Author(s):  
Kimberly J. Barcelona

Some of the most controversial education policy concerns and methods of practice have been over Special Education. Students between the ages three to twenty-one with disabilities compromise 13% of student enrollment between prekindergarten and twelfth grade (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2013) (Appendix A, Table 1,2,3). From the late eighteenth century to current times, the legal system and court case outcomes have played a major role in the development of public education in America. The Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education not only ruled racial segregation as unconstitutional, but became a landmark case that opened the doors for court involvement in refining educational policy concerning Special Education. Standards of practice, which have evolved through the years, began to take form to support educational leaders in how they approached adhering to laws and policy concerning the education of students identified as special needs learners. Chief Justice Earl Warren who spoke for the Supreme Court of the United States in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), stated: In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms (Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, 1954).This case dispelled the notion that education could be offered to any group under the premise of separate but equal that had earlier been established in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) is a landmark United States Supreme Court decision in the jurisprudence of the United States, upholding the constitutionality of state laws requiring racial segregation in public facilities under the doctrine of “separate but equal” (Maidment, 1973).


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (7) ◽  
pp. e2015577118
Author(s):  
Gerard Torrats-Espinosa

This study examines the role that racial residential segregation has played in shaping the spread of COVID-19 in the United States as of September 30, 2020. The analysis focuses on the effects of racial residential segregation on mortality and infection rates for the overall population and on racial and ethnic mortality gaps. To account for potential confounding, I assemble a dataset that includes 50 county-level factors that are potentially related to residential segregation and COVID-19 infection and mortality rates. These factors are grouped into eight categories: demographics, density and potential for public interaction, social capital, health risk factors, capacity of the health care system, air pollution, employment in essential businesses, and political views. I use double-lasso regression, a machine learning method for model selection and inference, to select the most important controls in a statistically principled manner. Counties that are 1 SD above the racial segregation mean have experienced mortality and infection rates that are 8% and 5% higher than the mean. These differences represent an average of four additional deaths and 105 additional infections for each 100,000 residents in the county. The analysis of mortality gaps shows that, in counties that are 1 SD above the Black–White segregation mean, the Black mortality rate is 8% higher than the White mortality rate. Sensitivity analyses show that an unmeasured confounder that would overturn these findings is outside the range of plausible covariates.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Stordeur Pryor

“I am unable to travel in any part of this country without calling forth illustrations of the dark spirit of slavery at every step.”1 The words of black abolitionist Frederick Douglass, written in 1852, were literal. He meant not only that slavery infiltrated every aspect of American life but also that traveling was hard. From at least the 1810s and until the Civil War, free African Americans in the antebellum North confronted obstacles to their mobility, including racial segregation in public space. It was difficult for a person of color to walk across town without being harassed, but the vehicles of public transportation—stagecoaches, steamships, and railroads—emerged as one of the most notorious spaces for antiblack aggression. Even so, when Douglass voiced his complaint, segregation was not yet the law of the land. It was not until the 1860s that southern states passed segregation laws, and it was not until 1896 that the federal government institutionalized “separate but equal” legislation in the United States....


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 100840
Author(s):  
Alexandre White ◽  
Lingxin Hao ◽  
Xiao Yu ◽  
Roland J. Thorpe

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
John-Paul Ferguson ◽  
Rembrand Koning

Racial segregation between American workplaces is greater today than it was a generation ago. This increase has happened alongside the declines in within-establishment occupational segregation on which most prior research has focused. We examine more than 40 years of longitudinal data on the racial employment composition of every large private-sector workplace in the United States to calculate between-area, between-establishment, and within-establishment trends in racial employment segregation over time. We demonstrate that the return of racial establishment segregation owes little to within-establishment processes but rather stems from differences in the turnover rates of more- and less-homogeneous workplaces. Present research on employment segregation focuses intently on within-firm processes. By doing so, we may be overstating what progress has been made on employment integration and ignoring other avenues of intervention that may give greater leverage for further integrating firms.


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