CURRENT PROBLEMS OF TACTICS IN THE ANTI-JAPANESE UNITED FRONT

Author(s):  
MAO TSE-TUNG
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Ogorzalek

This theoretical chapter develops the argument that the conditions of cities—large, densely populated, heterogeneous communities—generate distinctive governance demands supporting (1) market interventions and (2) group pluralism. Together, these positions constitute the two dimensions of progressive liberalism. Because of the nature of federalism, such policies are often best pursued at higher levels of government, which means that cities must present a united front in support of city-friendly politics. Such unity is far from assured on the national level, however, because of deep divisions between and within cities that undermine cohesive representation. Strategies for success are enhanced by local institutions of horizontal integration developed to address the governance demands of urbanicity, the effects of which are felt both locally and nationally in the development of cohesive city delegations and a unified urban political order capable of contending with other interests and geographical constituencies in national politics.


2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei N. Lankov

This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (18) ◽  
pp. 126-149
Author(s):  
Kasper Braskén

This article focuses on the ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-fascism were intertwined within the Third Period, and the extent to which these ideals were already being drawn together in the preceding era of the United Front. Drawing heavily on the articles and imagery of Willi Münzenberg's Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung, the piece demonstrates the ways in which communist anti-fascist campaigning around the world facilitated the development of sophisticated anti-racist arguments which aimed at undermining the ideological basis of fascist movements and colonial rulers alike. It evidences the extent to which communists felt that countering the pseudoscience of race could play an important role in numerous facets of their campaigning. Furthermore, it highlights the attempts by activists and writers to develop a conception of anti-fascism and anti-colonialism as mutually-reinforcing strategies which could be deployed in tandem, and the ways that this ideological interweaving was drawn into campaigns both against the Nazis' use of racial science to justify anti-Semitic policy, and fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia based on Social Darwinist precepts.


1977 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-140
Author(s):  
M. C. Chapman
Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Vol 170 (18) ◽  
pp. 476.1-476
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (166) ◽  
pp. 349-373
Author(s):  
Angus Mitchell

AbstractThe publication in 1908 of The making of Ireland and its undoing, 1200–1600 by the London-based Irish historian, Alice Stopford Green, provoked a controversy that reveals much about the deepening political tensions at the heart of historical practice in the decade before 1916. Stopford Green took a deliberately controversial approach to the rewriting of medieval Ireland that triggered a bombardment of both positive and negative reactions. Supporters of Irish home rule applauded the work for its innovative analysis and contemporary relevance. But the book elicited a flurry of exasperation from a united front of ‘history men’, who dismissed Stopford Green and her work as ‘political’ and largely fictitious. Anticipating the reaction from a profession that was predominantly sympathetic to a unionist interpretation, Stopford Green had a well-prepared plan that harnessed both her gender and her transnational networks of influence to maximise the dissemination of her radical reimagining of the late medieval Gaelic world. By understanding these deeper strategies of defiance, Alice Stopford Green's history might be reclaimed as a key intervention in the structuring of both Ireland's national tradition and collective consciousness in preparation for independence.


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