The Demise of Non-Communist Parties in North Korea (1945–1960)

2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei N. Lankov

This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.

Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-259
Author(s):  
Yong-Shik Lee

Abstract North Korea is currently one of the most impoverished countries with a history of famine, but the country has a significant potential for economic development that could lift its population from poverty. Neighbored by some of the largest and most advanced economies in the world (South Korea, Japan, and China) and endowed with abundant mineral resources, industrial experience, and a history of successful economic development in the past, North Korea can embark on the path to rapid economic development, as its southern counterpart (South Korea) did so successfully since the 1960s. Yet, the successful economic development of North Korea requires a comprehensive approach, including obtaining a fund for development; normalizing relations with the West and the neighboring countries; improving its human rights conditions; prioritizing key industrial development; and reforming its political-economic system. This note discusses the comprehensive approach necessary for the successful economic development of North Korea.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Wright ◽  
Howard Machin

IN JUNE 1971, FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND WAS NARROWLY ELECTED, after a bitter contest, to the leadership of the French Socialist Party. By the end of 1973 he was in command of the party. There is nothing new about an ambitious politician taking over and attempting to transform an existing party. Mendts France in the 1950s and Servan-Schreiber, more recently, tried to reshape a weak and divided Radical Party. They failed as a result of their own tactlessness and because of the perverse obduracy of the party's opportunistic notables who saw little virtue in ideological purity and disciplined organization. Nor is there anything new about a party of the left being dominated by a strong personality. No study of the French Communist Party would be complete without an analysis of the commanding roles played by the tight-lipped Thorez, the jovial Waldeck-Rochet or the circumspect Marchais. The Socialist Party has been no less immune to the cult of personality; it would be impossible to write the history of the party without constant reference to the dynamism of Jaures, the moral persuasiveness of Blum and the organizational genius of Mollet, three men who dominated long periods of the party's history.


1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-55
Author(s):  
John Phipps

OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.


Author(s):  
Benno Weiner

This chapter examines efforts by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the very early months and years of the People's Republic of China to consolidate its control over Amdo's vast terrain and attract the support of its diverse inhabitants. Far from a comprehensive history of Qinghai during this transitional period, it focuses on the CCP's immediate motives and methods for wooing Tibetan elites—who not only were members of Amdo's “feudal ruling class” but with few exceptions had been implicated in the Ma regime—into a “patriotic United Front.” In doing so, CCP leaders made a distinction between hardline “bandits and spies” and Tibetan and Mongol chieftains and religious leaders. Even in the case of headmen “hoodwinked” into taking up arms against the CCP, Party leaders insisted that open resistance should not be treated as a manifestation of class struggle but as the residual effect of centuries of nationality exploitation. The chapter then considers the responses of several members of the Tibetan elite to the Party's United Front overtures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 61-74
Author(s):  
Marina Galas

Describes a process for the preparation of the 1950s-1964 years liberalization of the Russian political reform (State) regime in the context of the genesis of society on the basis of the documents from the Russian State archive of socio-political history of 586 fund, 1 inventory (materials for the elaboration of a draft the third program of the Communist Party), of 84, 3 fund inventory (materials activities Mikoyan A. S. in the Council of Ministers of the USSR-the materials of the Constitutional Commission). During the drafting of the third program of the the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and of the new draft Constitution of the USSR leadership carried out polls, considered draft citizens committed to research institutes of the USSR Academy of Sciences development projects of socio-political, economic, financial, legal, ideological, the ruling party's reform, a citizen and a person, society, state, forecasting the evolution of international relations, global and domestic (socialist) markets.


1963 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 3-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong-Sik Lee

If one were to believe the official histories written in North Korea during the past few years, political developments in North Korea after 1945 and even the entire history of the Korean Communist movement would seem to have been relatively simple. According to North Korean historians, the new proletariat took over the leadership of the struggle for national liberation after the bourgeois-led March First Movement of 1919 had failed. The Korean Communist Party, first organised in 1925, ceased to operate in 1928 because the sectarians in the Party leadership failed to establish a link with the surging movement of the workers and peasants. The national liberation movement recovered its vigour and direction in the 1930s only because Kim D-song, whose strategy and tactics were the most scientific and most in accord with the principles of Marxism-Leninism, provided leadership. Kim Il-song became the “beacon” of the revolutionary movement, and the Korean People's Revolutionary Army under him fought against the Japanese “shoulder to shoulder with the Soviet Army.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Granite Adams Unger

This article documents the history of united front work in Canada. It demonstrates how the Chinese Communist Party has long been engaged in a persistent campaign of interference in our politics and how the Canadian political establishment has been slow in recognizing this fact. It also seeks to explain why this realization was so slow in coming. Finally, it concludes by offering two alternative visions for how Canada might address this threat now that it has been recognized and makes a brief case for which is preferable.


1992 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-186
Author(s):  
Josef Brožek ◽  
Vid Pečjak

This is a report on a fascinating but unknown facet of the history of American and international psychology. Its aim is to describe the differences in attitudes of “East European” (Soviet, Slovak, Polish, and Yugoslav) psychologists to American psychology and, more concretely and specifically, to R. S. Woodworth's textbook Experimental psychology of 1938 or its second (Woodworth-Schlosberg) edition of 1954. While in the eyes of most of the Western psychologists and of many American politicians, “Eastern” Europe (including Central European Czechs and South European Yugoslavs) appeared ideologically homogeneous, the attitudes to Experimental psychology varied from very negative and negative to positive and very positive. While the reported facts are striking, the information currently available to us does not provide an adequate basis for the interpretation of the differences. This applies, in particular, to what were the countries with “orthodox” Communist governments (Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Poland).


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