Connecting political economies of energy in South Africa

Energy Policy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (10) ◽  
pp. 3951-3958 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Büscher
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 898-923
Author(s):  
Julie Parle ◽  
Ludger Wimmelbücker

Summary Thalidomide is amongst the most notorious drugs of all time. The majority of accounts of its distribution to the early 1960s focus on those countries where thalidomide caused the most extensive damage, most notably in economically developed countries. This article raises, however, questions about intended, explored, initiated or sometimes thwarted markets for thalidomide-containing preparations outside ‘the West’. It does so by focusing on Southern African markets for thalidomide, particularly those in Angola, Mozambique, (now) Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. We place differences in the drug’s distribution channels in the context of the political economies of pharmaceuticals markets in the region in the decades after World War 2 and argue that colonial legacies and circuits of commerce can contribute to an understanding of why some regions ‘escaped a thalidomide disaster’. Finally, from late 1961 through 1962, we chart Southern African attempts to establish, or deny, the local presence of the teratogen.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1365-1391
Author(s):  
Elizabete Albernaz ◽  
Lenin Pires

Pursuing the broader political effects of the relationship between violence, mobility, and inequality, the article describes some of the grounded political-economies (re)producing social inequalities in Brazil and South Africa, and a discontinuous experience of the urban space. This fragmented spatial experience is produced by the simultaneous operation of a discursive apparatus projecting a split ideal of “city”, and grounded social mechanics, in the intersection of values and power relations. In Johannesburg, South Africa, we’ve described the creation of Maboneng, a “urban development project”, to highlight the role of social mobility and growing class aspirations as powerful political vehicles for neoliberal markets reissuing old apartheid socio-spatial divisions. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, we’ve explored the relationship between the State and its margins to understand the production of the milícia as a violent anti-modern capitalist venture, aiming to control the circulation of people, capital and political support in the city.


Author(s):  
Roselin Ncube ◽  
Innocent Chirisa

This chapter explores how female entrepreneurship is a growing phenomenon in Africa. Particularly, the chapter critically examines the use of the instrument of rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs) in as far as it has influenced business growth and social mobility across the region. The implications are that, largely, it is an instrument that gives agency towards achieving gender parity at business and household levels, respectively. In trying to answer pertinent questions, the study engages country-based case studies. The countries used include Botswana, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Cameroon. These have been chosen because of their differential demographic, political economies, ideological, and religious foundations. Some have experienced serious and tectonic macro-economic challenges which may have worked to cement or to destroy efforts in building female entrepreneurship let alone the utility of ROSCAs as a tool towards business stability and wealth building.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 289-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petrus Croucamp

This theoretical exposition aims to add to existing theory on state design and the durability of the liberal democratic experiment. This paper is written on the case of South Africa and the rise of contending regime narratives on the interaction between the state and the economy. The notion of the state being ‘captured’ may well be a nomenclature typical of a great number of states in developing political economies. While the scholarly analysis of weak or fragile states is, to a significant extent, embedded in South African political theory, the notion of a captured state is often conflated with the conceptual confines of the corrupt or criminalized state. The research result – or theoretical contribution this article makes – is to substantiate the postulation that state capture as a feature of state formation also reflects the emergence of a contending or alternative regime preference with a distinct moral justification supplementing liberal democratic experiments. Experimental liberal democracies are more prone to such constitutional or regime challenges. While systemic patronage is a regime preference, which often co-exists with liberal regime imperatives within the constitutional domain of liberal regimes, this paper reviews the state capture as the manifestation of sectarian interests in the formal economy encroaching on the domain of the constitutional state to gain a competitive advantage within the market/economy.


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
J. Hers

In South Africa the modern outlook towards time may be said to have started in 1948. Both the two major observatories, The Royal Observatory in Cape Town and the Union Observatory (now known as the Republic Observatory) in Johannesburg had, of course, been involved in the astronomical determination of time almost from their inception, and the Johannesburg Observatory has been responsible for the official time of South Africa since 1908. However the pendulum clocks then in use could not be relied on to provide an accuracy better than about 1/10 second, which was of the same order as that of the astronomical observations. It is doubtful if much use was made of even this limited accuracy outside the two observatories, and although there may – occasionally have been a demand for more accurate time, it was certainly not voiced.


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