Consolidated state political party control and the enactment of obesity-related policies in the United States

The election returns of November, 1936, seemed to portray a democracy strongly united behind a leader and a program of action. It appeared that Franklin D. Roosevelt and his New Deal platform had been endorsed by nearly every interest and section in the United States, and an overwhelmingly Democratic Congress selected to enact into law those principles for which he “had just begun to fight.” Within six months, however, that unity started to disintegrate. Congress began to dissect carefully the program which the President proclaimed to be both beneficial for the entire country and politically prudent for the political party which he headed.

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The American Perception of the Palestine-Israel Conflict

10.52987/pcrc.2021.013 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Israa Daas ◽

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Middle East ◽

Political Party ◽

The United States ◽

The Us ◽

The World ◽

Us Government ◽

Source Of Information

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements

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Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s0003055420000064 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 114 (3) ◽

pp. 856-873 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

MICHAEL TOMZ ◽

JESSICA L. P. WEEKS

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Political Party ◽

The United States ◽

The Public ◽

Public Demand

Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.

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Gridlock in the Government of the United States: Influence of Divided Government and Veto Players

British Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0007123408000550 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 39 (3) ◽

pp. 587-607 ◽

Cited By ~ 14

Author(s):

Manabu Saeki

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

Veto Players ◽

Divided Government ◽

Substantial Impact ◽

Government Effectiveness ◽

Change Policy ◽

Party Control ◽

The Government ◽

Legislative Productivity

David Mayhew’s Divided We Govern significantly challenged the conventional wisdom of the adversarial effect of divided government on government effectiveness in the United States. While the post-Mayhewian literature has been centred on legislative productivity as a measure of gridlock, gridlock is here defined as an ‘inability to change policy’. In this study, the preferences of the legislators, such as the filibuster, override and House median veto players are plotted in Euclidean space. The analysis focuses on the influence of the area of the winset, which is an intersection overlapped by the veto players’ indifference curves. There is a substantial impact of the area of the winset on the change in policy output point, which is measured by the ADA scores and by Poole’s Mean Winning Coordinate. Yet divided government has marginal or no effect on policy swing. The conclusion is that the preferences of veto players, but not party control of the government, have a substantial impact on gridlock in the United States.

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3. Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do?

10.1093/actrade/9780190458164.003.0003 ◽

2016 ◽

Author(s):

L. Sandy Maisel

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Political Party ◽

The United States ◽

Federal System ◽

Party Organization ◽

Electoral Process ◽

Party Organizations

‘Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do?’ examines each of those questions and reveals that political party organizations in the United States reflect the nation's federal system. The party is organized at each electoral level. The main purpose of the party is to assist their candidates to get into office. The party organization does not define party policy nor do its leaders exercise much authority of those elected under the party label. This is a situation that has changed quite markedly over the last century as changes have taken place in the electoral process.

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Who Voted with Hopkins? Institutional Politics and the WPA

Journal of Policy History ◽

10.1353/jph.2001.0001 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 13 (2) ◽

pp. 251-287 ◽

Cited By ~ 17

Author(s):

Edwin Amenta ◽

Drew Halfmann

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Social Policy ◽

Political Institutions ◽

Labor Movement ◽

Political Party ◽

The United States ◽

Left Wing ◽

Institutional Politics ◽

Political Theories ◽

State Organizations

Scholars of the politics of public social policy have engaged in contentious debates over “institutional” and “political” theories. Institutional theories hold that U.S. social policy is inhibited by fragmented political institutions and weak executive state organizations. Political theories hold that the United States lacks a left-wing political party and a strong labor movement to push for social policy. Both theories are thus pessimistic about and cannot account for advances in U.S. social policy.

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Anti-Partism and Party Control of Political Reform in the United States: The Case of the Australian Ballot

British Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0007123400000016 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 30 (1) ◽

pp. 1-29 ◽

Cited By ~ 37

Author(s):

ALAN WARE

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Political Culture ◽

Progressive Era ◽

The United States ◽

The Political ◽

Face To Face ◽

Party Control ◽

Party Elites ◽

Ambivalent Attitude ◽

Direct Primary

This article examines critically an explanation, first propounded by Austin Ranney, as to the causes of party reform in the United States. Ranney argued that there is an ambivalent attitude to parties in the United States; while there is evidence of popular support for parties, the political culture is also infused by anti-party values. Periodically this has facilitated the enactment of legislation, promoted by anti-party reformers, constraining parties. Focusing on the Australian Ballot, the article argues that its rapid adoption in the United States resulted from its seeming to solve problems facing party elites in the 1880s – problems that arose from the erosion of a face-to-face society. Despite opposition from anti-party reformers, parties in most states legislated for types of ballot that preserved party control of the electorate. Moreover, during the Progressive era the parties generally continued to preserve a type of ballot that favoured them. The ability of parties to defend their interests against anti-party reformers was possible when it was clear where those interests lay. With other reforms, including the direct primary, this was much less evident, and it was then far more difficult for the parties to defend themselves.

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‘The consequences will be with us for decades’: The politicization and polarization of the #MeToo and Time’s Up movements in the United States

Interactions Studies in Communication & Culture ◽

10.1386/iscc.10.3.257_1 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 10 (3) ◽

pp. 257-271

Author(s):

Elizabeth R. Earle

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Supreme Court ◽

Political Party ◽

The United States ◽

Race And Class ◽

The Us ◽

Us Supreme Court ◽

Recent Developments ◽

The Media

This study examines the recent developments in the #MeToo and Time’s Up Movements in the United States and how these developments have been portrayed in the US media. Through examining examples of US media, this article shows the media’s portrayal of the movement as politicized and polarized changed and developed after the appointment of Brett Kavanaugh to the US Supreme Court. The article argues that after Kavanaugh’s appointment, the media began to downplay the tensions of race and class in the #MeToo movement. Instead of focusing on tensions of race and class, the media shifted to focus on the polarization of #MeToo along political party lines.

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