Select Document: Lord Carnarvon’s memoirs relating to his lord lieutenancy, c. 29 March to 7 April 1886

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (158) ◽  
pp. 247-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Reform Education ◽  
High Politics

AbstractThis article examines the memoirs written by Henry Howard Molyneux Herbert, fourth earl of Carnarvon, concerning his period as lord lieutenant of Ireland between June 1885 and January 1886, in the brief Salisbury administration. Carnarvon inherited many of the problems of his Liberal predecessor, fifth Earl Spencer, telling Salisbury ‘the day of reckoning in this case will come very rapidly if any unwise promises are made or implied’. Nevertheless he was sympathetic to reform in many different fields, notably home rule, land reform, education and religion. A sensitive politician, Carnarvon penned this memorandum shortly after leaving office in an attempt to uphold his reputation. The memorandum gives a number of insights into Carnarvon’s manoeuvrings in cabinet, and demonstrates the workings of high politics in the late-nineteenth century. It was never published.

‘The Clach’: Alexander Mackenzie and the Land Question in the Late-Nineteenth Century Highlands and Islands

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Pragmatic Approach ◽  
Early Experiences ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Land Question

This article uses the career and writings of the Highland land reformer Alexander Mackenzie, to shed new light on the evolution of Highland land reform in the years leading up to the Crofters' Act of 1886. Mackenzie's output as a writer and journalist shows that his early experiences of living and working on the land are vital to understanding his approach to the land question, and led him to focus not on abstract or ideal principles but on building popular consensus to secure the most pressing reforms. This moderate and pragmatic approach was not universally popular though, especially among Mackenzie's more radical reformist contemporaries. The tensions these disagreements created are symptomatic of the problems that beset the ‘Crofting Community’ in the 1880s and ‘90s: problems that would eventually cause the land reform movement to split. Nevertheless, Mackenzie's influence on the Crofters’ War was huge, and deserves greater scholarly recognition.

Ambivalent Capitalists: The Roots of Fascist Ideology among Bohemian Nobles, 1880–1938

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eagle Glassheim
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Modern Economic ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Although fascism has often been considered a plebeian, even radically egalitarian ideology, many of its outspoken proponents were members of the old European elite: nobles, clericalists and representatives of the haute bourgeoisie. Historians of Nazi Germany have puzzled over the affinity of German conservatives such as Paul von Hindenburg and Franz von Papen to Adolf Hitler's National Socialist version of fascism. A small but extremely wealthy noble elite struggled to maintain its long-standing social, economic and political influence in Bohemia. By the late nineteenth century, the Bohemian nobility was a self-consciously traditional social group with a decidedly modern economic relationship to agrarian and industrial capitalism. This chapter examines the response of the Bohemian aristocracy to the new state of Czechoslovakia. This restricted caste of cosmopolitan latifundist families was more German than Czech in sentiment, and further alienated by land reform. The aristocrats entertained divergent assessments of Nazism and responded in different ways to the crisis of the state by 1938.

RACE, EMPIRE, AND THE LIMITS OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SCOTTISH NATIONHOOD

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
COLIN KIDD
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Scotland's Unionist culture has already become a world we have lost, investigation of which is hampered by the misleading notion of a ‘Celtic fringe’. Nineteenth-century Lowland Scots were not classified as Celts; indeed they vociferously projected a Teutonic racial identity. Several Scots went so far as to claim not only that the Saxon Scots of the Lowlands were superior to the Celts of the Highlands, but that the people of the Lowlands came from a more purely Anglian stock than the population of southern England. For some Scots the glory of Scottish identity resided in the boast that Lowlanders were more authentically ‘English’ than the English themselves. Moreover, Scottish historians reinterpreted the nation's medieval War of Independence – otherwise a cynosure of patriotism – as an unfortunate civil war within the Saxon race. Curiously, racialism – which was far from monolithic – worked at times both to support and to subvert Scottish involvement in empire. The late nineteenth century also saw the formulation of Scottish proposals for an Anglo-Saxon racial empire including the United States; while Teutonic racialism inflected the nascent Scottish home rule movement as well as the Udal League in Orkney and Shetland.

scholarly journals The 1892 general election in England: Home Rule, the Newcastle programme and positive Unionism*

2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (259) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Naomi Lloyd-Jones
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
General Election ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Abstract Largely ignored as an anomaly, the 1892 general election represents a major gap in the scholarship on late nineteenth-century British politics. This article is the first to analyse the issues on and electioneering rhetoric with which it was fought, with a focus on England’s constituencies. It argues that the early 1890s saw the inauguration of a new, ‘positive’ kind of political appeal. It explores how Liberals embraced the radical reforms of the National Liberal Federation’s ‘Newcastle programme’ and how Unionists constructed a self-referential ‘positive Unionism’ that trumpeted their achievements in government. In addition, by considering the limits of Home Rule as an electoral strategy, the article challenges accepted narratives of Liberalism’s slide into ‘faddism’ and Unionist dominance. The article draws on my databases of election addresses. Addresses were an essential medium for the communication of political appeals; by analysing their content, the article highlights the utility of quantitative methodologies for studying shifts in and the transmission of political discourses.

‘Open the eyes of England’: female unionism and conservatism, 1886–19141

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Urquhart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Prevention Act ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Late Nineteenth

This article considers the rationale for the increasing political presence of women in Britain and Ireland from the late nineteenth century onwards. A key factor was the unforeseen impact of the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act of 1883 which led to the organisation of women into political auxiliary associations. Such bodies were often elite led and held very specific ideas of women’s political role. The influence of the Conservatives’ Primrose League in Ireland and collaboration between Irish female Unionists and British Conservatives is examined through the three successive Irish home rule crisis of 1886, 1893 and 1912-14 to reveal the nature and significance of this auxiliary work. Resistance to home rule brought Unionist and Conservative co-operation to new heights but this became increasingly strained as Ulster unionism entered a new militaristic and independent phase in its history from 1912.

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