Slave prices, value of the slave stock, and annual estimates of the slave population: 1800–1862

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Sutch
Keyword(s):  
Slave Population

Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population

2005 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 64-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Scheidel
Keyword(s):  
Sex Ratio ◽  
Family Structure ◽  
Human Mobility ◽  
Parametric Model ◽  
Demographic Structure ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Probable Number ◽  
Roman Italy ◽  
Slave Population

In this paper, I seek to delineate the build-up of the Italian slave population. My parametric model revolves around two variables: the probable number of slaves in Roman Italy, and the demographic structure of the servile population. I critique existing estimates of slave totals and propose a new ‘bottom-up’ approach; discuss the probable sex ratio, mortality regime and family structure of the Italian slaves; and advance a new estimate of the overall volume of slave transfers. I argue that the total number of slaves in Roman Italy did not exceed one-and-a-half million, and that this population had been created by the influx of between two and four million slaves during the last two centuries B.C.

IV. The Colonial Office and the Abolition of Slavery

1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 723-734 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Reckord
Keyword(s):  
West Indian ◽  
Slave System ◽  
British Government ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The West ◽  
Reform Programme ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
Indian Slavery ◽  
Slave Population ◽  
Colonial Office

Under pressure from the anti-slavery interest in the House of Commons, the British Government undertook, in 1823, to reform West Indian slavery and prepare the slaves for eventual freedom. This policy of amelioration was based on the assumption that the West Indian planters would co-operate with the British Government to improve slave conditions. As George Canning explained to the House of Commons, ‘The masters are the instruments through whom, and by whom, you must act upon the slave population.’ Ten years later the reform programme was abandoned in favour of abolition. This change of policy reflected, in part, the conversion of officials at the Colonial Office who began to urge the need for emancipation in 1831. For eight years the Colonial Office made persistent efforts to induce the co-operation of the West Indian planters; these attempts failed and a mass of evidence accumulated which suggested that the slave system could not be improved, it could only be abolished. This article demonstrates the efforts made by the Colonial Office to effect amelioration in the legislative colonies with particular reference to Jamaica and the nature of the evidence which demonstrated that emancipation was the only viable solution to the problem of West Indian slavery.

Revolutionary Mahdism and Resistance to Colonial Rule in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1905–6

1990 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Lovejoy ◽  
J. S. Hogendorn
Keyword(s):  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Fugitive Slaves ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Slave Population

The Mahdist uprising of 1905–6 was a revolutionary movement that attempted to overthrow British and French colonial rule, the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate and the zarmakoy of Dosso. The Mahdist supporters of the revolt were disgruntled peasants, fugitive slaves and radical clerics who were hostile both to indigenous authorities and to the colonial regimes. There was no known support among aristocrats, wealthy merchants or the ‘ulama. Thus the revolt reflected strong divisions based on class and, as an extension, on ethnicity. The pan-colonial appeal of the movement and its class tensions highlight another important feature: revolutionary Mahdism differed from other forms of Mahdism that were common in the Sokoto Caliphate at the time of the colonial conquest. There appears to have been no connection with the Mahdists who were followers of Muhammad Ahmed of the Nilotic Sudan or with those who joined Sarkin Musulmi Attahiru I on his hijra of 1903.The suppression of the revolt was important for three reasons. First, the British consolidated their alliance with the aristocracy of the Caliphate, while the French further strengthened their ties with the zarmakoy of Dosso and other indigenous rulers. The dangerous moment which Muslims might have seized to expel the Europeans quickly passed. Second, the brutality of the repression was a message to slave owners and slaves alike that the colonial regimes were committed to the continuation of slavery and opposed to any sudden emancipation of the slave population. Third, 1906 marked the end of revolutionary action against colonialism; the radical clerics were either killed or imprisoned. Other forms of Mahdism continued to haunt the colonial regimes, but without serious threat of a general rising.

scholarly journals The African slave population of Portuguese India

2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo C. Cardoso
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
African Population ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
African Slave ◽  
Population Displacement ◽  
Social Scale ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Slave Population

This article is primarily concerned with quantifying the African(-born) population in the early Portuguese settlements in India and defining its linguistic profile, as a means to understand the extent and limitations of its impact on the emerging Indo-Portuguese creoles. Apart from long-established commercial links (including the slave trade) between East Africa and India, which could have facilitated linguistic interchange between the two regions, Smith (1984) and Clements (2000) also consider that the long African sojourn of all those travelling the Cape Route may have transported an African-developed pidgin to Asia. In this article, I concentrate on population displacement brought about by the slave trade. Published sources and data uncovered during archival research permit a characterisation of the African population in terms of (a) their numbers (relative to the overall population), (b) their origin, and (c) their position within the colonial social scale. The scenario that emerges for most territories of Portuguese India is that of a significant slave population distributed over the colonial households in small numbers, in what is best described as a ‘homestead society’ (Chaudenson 1992, 2001). It is also made evident that there was a steady influx of slave imports well into the 19th century, and that the Bantu-speaking regions of modern-day Mozambique were the primary sources of slaves for the trade with Portuguese India.

Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807-1834

1977 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 1104
Author(s):  
William A. Green ◽  
B. W. Higham
Keyword(s):  
Slave Population

The Slave Population of Athens

1946 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 127-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Gomme
Keyword(s):  
New Evidence ◽  
Slave Population

It is as yet too soon to state what corrections or additions should be made to the various figures I gave in my Population of Athens as a result of new evidence since that book was published (1933), although some individual discoveries have been made and Sterling Dow has published his invaluable Prytaneis (Hesperia, Suppl. I, 1937); for the excavations in the Athenian agora are not finished–though it looks as though the hopes I expressed for the discovery of a large number of inscriptions that would throw new light on the problem will be disappointed. But two objections have been made to my treatment of the number of slaves in Athens, by Mr. Hammond in Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc, 1935, p. 1, and by Prof. George Thomson in his edition of The Oresteia, I 70, n. 1 and II 357-9, both of whom maintain that Ktesikles' figure of 400,000 must be accepted; and though the question has again been discussed, convincingly enough to my mind, by Prof. Westerraann in Athenian Studies (Harv. Stud, Suppl. Vol. I, 1940, 451-70), it is worth dealing with certain aspects afresh, especially in answer to Thomson, for some important principles are involved. Not that anything I can say will convince him; for he hopes that ‘the whole subject will be re-examined by someone who is prepared to take the ancient evidence seriously and is free from the suspicion of seeking to minimise the extent of an evil which casts a sinister shadow over the glory that was Greece.’ But I will do my best.

scholarly journals Urban and Rural Variants of Pre-industrial Demographic Regimes in Nineteenth-Century Brazil

2013 ◽  
pp. 71-75
Author(s):  
Maria Luiza Marcílio
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Subsistence Economies ◽  
The World ◽  
Preliminary Research ◽  
Demographic Regimes ◽  
Slave Population

Preliminary research in nineteenth-century Brazilian demographic data already indicates patterns different from the Old Regime model formulated for Europe. For Brazil there emerge four demographic regimes, involving degrees of isolation of population, access to natural resources, kinds of work, and relationship to the world economy: 1) subsistence economies; 2) plantation economies; 3) the slave population; and 4) urban areas, mostly ports. The slave population maintained its numbers by steady importation from Africa; the cities, by purchase of slaves and immigration from Europe.

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