To the Beat of “The Walrus”: Uruguayan Communists and Youth Culture in the Global Sixties

2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Youth Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Cultural Representations ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Youth Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Relationship

In the 1960s, a generation of Latin American youth entered political life inspired by a heroic view of activism tiiat coincided, often contentiously, with the spread of new cultural trends from youth movements in Europe and the United States. This study focuses on how the notions of “being young” in circulation at the time affected the construction of political identities in Uruguay, particularly among the different branches of the Uruguayan left. I am especially interested in analyzing the relationship between the cultural representations of youth and the requirements for activism as conceived by these Uruguayan leftist groups.

Mirages over the Andes: Peru, France, the United States, and Military Jet Procurement in the 1960s

2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franççois Le Roy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Foreign Assistance ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
White House ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

On May 5, 1967, U.S. National Security Adviser Walter W. Rostow briefed President Lyndon B. Johnson that Peru had contracted to buy twelve Mirage 5 supersonic fighter jets from France, "despite our repeated warnings of the consequences." The first planes were delivered a year later, prompting the United States to withhold development loans from Peru as directed by the Conte-Long Amendment to the 1968 Foreign Assistance Appropriations Bill. Peru was the first Latin American country (with the exception of Cuba) to equip its air force with supersonic combat aircraft, and its decision spurred a dramatic qualitative and financial escalation in regional arms procurement, thereby defeating Washington's effort to control the latter. The CIA qualified the "Mirage affair" as the "most serious issue" in U.S.-Peruvian relations at the time. The event demonstrated the growing desire of Peru and other Latin American countries to loosen the ties that bound them to Washington and exemplified France's drive to depolarize world politics during the Cold War. Demanded by the Peruvian military establishment, the Mirage deal also announced the golpe of October 1968 that ended the presidency of Fernando Belaúúnde Terry and ushered in the reformist military dictatorship of Juan Velasco Alvarado. In addition, it complicated relations between the White House, Congress, and the press in the antagonistic context of the Vietnam War. Finally, it further illustrated the diplomatic and economic stakes of military aircraft sales, as well as the appeal of the airplane as a symbol of national sovereignty and modernity.

With a Little Help from my Friends

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (8) ◽  
pp. 971-999 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Victoria Murillo ◽  
Andrew Schrank
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Labor Laws ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

Why did Latin American governments adopt potentially costly, union-friendly labor reforms in the cost-sensitive 1980s and 1990s? The authors answer the question by exploring the relationship between trade unions and two of their most important allies: labor-backed parties at home and labor rights activists overseas. While labor-backed parties in Latin America have locked in the support of their core constituencies by adopting relatively union-friendly labor laws in an otherwise uncertain political and economic environment, labor rights activists in the United States have demonstrated their support for their Latin American allies by asking the U.S. government to treat the protection of labor rights as the price of access to the U.S. market. The former trajectory is the norm in traditionally labor-mobilizing polities, where industrialization encouraged the growth of labor-backed parties in the postwar era; the latter is more common in more labor-repressive environments, where vulnerable unions tend to look for allies overseas.

Political Identity and Confidence in Science and Religion in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-461
Author(s):  
Timothy L O’Brien ◽  
Shiri Noy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
The United States ◽  
Science And Religion ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Moral Claims ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article investigates changes in public perceptions of science and religion in the United States between 1973 and 2018. We argue that the deepening ties between science and religion and opposing moral claims reconfigured the relationship between political identities and confidence in science and religion during this period. Our analysis of 30 waves of General Social Survey data finds that while Republicans once were more likely than Democrats to be more confident in science than religion, Democrats are now more likely to than Republicans. And, while Democrats used to be more likely than Republicans to be more confident in religion than science, this difference also reversed. These findings underscore the growing importance of political identities as predictors of confidence in science and religion and suggest that the politicization of science and religion fueled a perception that they provide not just alternative frameworks but opposing ones.

Internal Colony as Political Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Adamson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Racial Oppression ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
The 1960S

In the midst of struggles against racial oppression in the United States that intensified in and around 1968, activists developed the theory of the internal colony to contend that US imperialism was essential to understanding racial oppression in the heart of empire. The theory of the internal colony foregrounded alliances with struggles for national liberation abroad, articulated through an internationalist and Third Worldist position. This essay is a critical evaluation of the theory of the internal colony as a political perspective, its use and circulation within militant movements against racial oppression during the long 1960s, and its cultural and theoretical resonances today. Through the work of Robert L. Allen, the essay argues that the internal colony was a crucial lens through which to read both the rise of law and order and neoliberal political formations. Furthermore, drawing on the critiques of imperialism and finance, first developed by Lenin, that inspired movements for Third World emancipation through dependency theory from Latin American scholars and the theory of neocolonialism developed by Kwame Nkrumah in the 1960s, the author argues for a reevaluation of the theory of the internal colony in the context of contemporary financialization in the United States and elsewhere as a way to reinvigorate theories of geographical dislocation that remap solidarities in struggles against the financial dispossession today.

Uruguay, 1968

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian ◽  
Eric Zolov ◽  
Laura Pérez Carrara
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Revolutionary Change ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Youth Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

This book examines the creation of new conceptions of youth and politics during the Cold War era by focusing on the case of Uruguay in the 1960s. In this decade, a generation of Latin American youth entered political life inspired by a heroic view of activism that coincided, often contentiously, with the spread of new cultural trends from youth movements in Europe and United States. The Uruguayan case shows a series of distinctive features which can help us rethink the significance of similar Cold War processes in the region and across the globe. This study analyzes the Uruguayan student movement of 1968 through a close examination of the intellectual debates, ideological schisms, and social representations that shaped the positions of leftist groups and fueby building on earlier discussions about how to achieve revolutionary change in Uruguay and the region as a whole. By exploring the intersection of activism, political violence, and youth culture, this book opens new insights on categories such as the 哲‎ew

Power and Joy

Contracultura ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Dunn
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Youth Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Theoretical Formulation ◽  
Social Conventions ◽  
Collective Resistance ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Aesthetic Values

The Introduction discusses the term “counterculture” in relation to diverse historical contexts to refer to individual and collective resistance to political authority, social conventions, or established aesthetic values. To illustrate some of the values and concerns of the counterculture, the author discusses three poems associated with poesia marginal in Brazil. While noting its theoretical formulation in relation to youth culture and dissent in the United States during the 1960s, the author shows how the term applied to diverse Latin American contexts during the Cold War period, notably Mexico, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile. In relation to Brazil, I discuss the counterculture in relation to the the rise of an authoritarian military that stifled civil society dissent and censored artistic expression, producing what some critics called the vazio cultural, or “cultural void.” Finally, I show how the counterculture emerged with Tropicália, an artistic movement that coalesced in 1968 with particular strength in the field of popular music.

The United States and Chilean Politics in the Cold War

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Alliance For Progress ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
American Policy ◽  
The 1960S

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the relationship between Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the United States. For the United States foreign policy apparatus, the Christian Democratic Party of Chile appeared to be a model partner in the realization of the goals of the Alliance for Progress, the Latin American policy conceived by President John F. Kennedy and continued, though without the same level of enthusiasm and hope, by his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson. In its original conception, Kennedy's Latin American policy had ambitious economic, social, and political goals. The channeling of aid from the United States to Latin American countries in the 1960s sought to reflect the interplay between those aims, even if the implementation of the Alliance for Progress sorely lacked in consistency and constancy. In the case of Chile and Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty, the exceptionally generous provision of aid by the United States went hand in hand with a deep involvement of agents of U.S. foreign policy, especially the political staff of the embassy in Santiago, in the day-to-day functioning of Chilean politics—welcomed and, in many cases, invited by local actors.

The Early American Origins of Entitlements

1996 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-404
Author(s):  
Laura S. Jensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Health Security ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early American ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
First Time

There is perhaps no topic that has generated more sustained interest and controversy in the United States during the past three decades than the public policies called “entitlements.” From the Great Society innovations of the 1960s to the guaranteed income plan of the 1970s to the “health security” proposal of the early 1990s, debate over the issue of which U.S. citizens should be entitled to what kind of national-level benefits has been a constant in American political life. Though consensus has occasionally been reached, moments of accord have been fragile and fleeting. Late 1995 and early 1996 found both President William Clinton and a large, bipartisan majority of Congress targeting poor Americans and their benefits, advocating an “end to welfare as we know it.” Yet interbranch disagreement over the way that “welfare” reform should be implemented reached such heights that the annual U.S. budget development process broke down, resulting in repeated shutdowns of government agencies and the threat that, for the first time in the history of the American nation, the United States would default on its obligations to its creditors.

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