military establishment
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Author(s):  
Budhaditya Mukherjee ◽  

This paper is based on the positive correlation between projects of infrastructure developed by the government, and the indicators of general well-being of populations in adjoining areas where such constructive changes have been effected. To study the multifactorial effects of the development of a welfare state, we have studied the economic projections associated with the construction of AIFA (Felipe Angeles International Airport), a new airport in Mexico, which was undertaken completely as a government-funded project and developed as a national infrastructure project by the military establishment. Information on projected investments and downstream investments and local employment from the Secretary of Agrarian Development and Tourism (SEDATU) and the Secretary of Public Finances (Forbes) for the new airport AIFA are compared and analyzed with similar projects in other privately developed infrastructure projects and their calculated impact in order to suggest how well-being (achieved through such indices as employment and the generation of micro-enterprises) would pan out for the economy in the State of Mexico, where the new public-funded projects are envisioned. Projections based on available information suggest that the construction of a public infrastructure module can be achieved under economic constraints, focusing on lower spending from the public budget; however, there is a lack of information and transparent policy decisions to indicate growth for entrepreneurs in the local economy, and neither any projected information on opportunities of further private or public investments associated with the airport. A socialist-style public investment project, engineered by the state military, may need more transparency and engagement on behalf of entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Reuven Snir

As an integral part of Arab society since the pre-Islamic period, Jews participated in the making of Arabic literature. We know of prominent Jewish poets such as al-Samawʾal ibn ʿᾹdiyāʾ in the sixth century A.D. and Ibrāhīm ibn Sahl in al-Andalus in the thirteenth century. During the first half of the twentieth century, Arabic literature in fuṣḥā (standard Arabic) written by Jews witnessed a great revival, especially in Iraq and Egypt, but this revival was cut short as a casualty of Zionism and Arab nationalism and the conflict between them. We are currently witnessing the demise of Arabic literature written by Jews; the Arabic language among Jews will probably remain mostly a tool of the military establishment and the intelligence systems as encapsulated in the dictum 'know your enemy' instead of being a medium for coexistence and knowing the Other. The article concentrates on the literary activities of one of the most talented Iraqi-Jewish authors, Shalom Darwīsh (1913-1997), whose promising anticipated literary future in Arabic literature encountered a deadlock following the aforementioned exclusion of Jews from 'Arabness'.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003802292110510
Author(s):  
Hassan Javid

Historically, despite the tremendous influence exerted by Islam on public life, religious parties and organisations have historically failed to do well at the ballot box, receiving an average of only 6% of votes cast in elections since the 1980s. Focusing on the case of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a new Barelvi political party and social movement that has campaigned on the emotive issue of blasphemy since being formed in 2015, this article argues that the clientelistic, patronage-based nature of democratic politics in Punjab, coupled with factionalism and competition within the religious right, continues to play a role in limiting the electoral prospects of religious parties. Nonetheless, as was seen in the General Elections of 2018 in which the TLP outperformed expectations, there are particular circumstances in which the religious parties are able to make electoral breakthroughs. While the TLP was able to make effective use of populist rhetoric to garner some genuine support for itself, this article argues that the organisations sustained campaign of protests over the issue of blasphemy fed into broader efforts by the military establishment and opposition political parties to destabilise and weaken the government of the PML-N prior to the 2018 elections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 18-37
Author(s):  
Eduardo Castillo-Vinuesa ◽  
Iuliia Gankevich

Among the most decisive challenges that the climate crisis will bring during up coming decades will be the necessity to overcome the current lack of planetary ecosystem governance. The void that exists where proper geopolitics should reside demands a recalibration of the focus of design towards the conception, implementation, and support of new institutional models capable of reconfiguring established infrastructural, ecosystem and governance structures. The rising awareness of the lack of ecological agency has recently led to the emergence of several proto-policies branded under the name of “Green New Deals” (GNDs): the green proposals across the world that aim to address climate change and economic inequality. However, the implementation of the GND’s goals requires not only the necessary infrastructural means for decarbonisation but also a set of social insurance mechanisms able to guarantee social stability during the transition to a new energy regime. The complexity that this task poses in relation to society, the economy, manufacturing industries and goods and information logistics will require the establishment of an institution capable of intervening in the regulation and coordination of all the parties involved. Green Military New Deal (GMND) is a research proposal that lies between the legislative models of ecosystem governance and the institutions capable of enforcing them. It speculates about the military establishment as a proto-platform that could fulfil the institutional gap created by the GND’s demands. Would it be possible to reimagine the military establishment as a trans-national ecological force capable of mobilising and enforcing proper ecosystem management, conscious of its ability to act as a welfare provider while deploying its technological resources? Our research offers an informed approach toward this counterintuitive premise, uncomfortable as it may be, by forcing us to question how certain existing institutions could be properly repurposed to address issues of global necessity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 200-212
Author(s):  
David Dickson

This chapter spotlights the role of the state (via the army) in enforcing urban security and in creating professional policing for the capital city. It begins by describing the greatest building project in Dublin, the Royal Barracks. The creation within a capital city of such a vast military establishment was a consequence of the agreement by the (all Protestant) Irish Parliament to house and maintain on Irish soil the bulk of the English standing army during peacetime. The chapter then turns to study the logic behind the increased concentration of the military in the cities. It argues that the permanent presence of military manpower, albeit in largely open residential barracks, helped make the case for continuing the gradual process of urban de-fortification. The chapter also looks into the three collective threats to urban order: faction fights, scarcity riots and artisan protests. It focuses more on the severe food shortages across Ulster and the food protests in 1729 in which civic authorities turned to the military for help. Finally, the chapter reviews the implications of industrial protest — a collective action by producers taken against their masters, other traders or workers, or even against consumers.


Author(s):  
Thomas Obel Hansen

Abstract This article takes the starting point in an examination of the case study of accountability for UK war crimes in Iraq, to engage recent developments in the transitional justice field. The article observes that while some passage of time in the context of war-related crimes tends to be a precondition for any kind of justice, the passage of time can easily end up complicating and obscuring the prospects for justice. The article demonstrates how accountability at the domestic level for these crimes has become increasingly implausible with time, partly due to the development of a prevailing narrative of ‘cycles’ of ineffective investigations (and re-investigations) that have become politically loaded and increasingly unpopular especially in what could be labelled the ‘pro-military establishment’.


Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 214-307
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

The complexity of the causes of mutinies are captured in this chapter that focuses upon the role of ethnicity. Starting with the British West India Regiment in 1801, we examine the importance of the slave trade in supporting the recruitment to the British Army in the West Indies and consider how the ‘alternatives’ of slavery or forced recruitment are not regarded as alternatives by many ex-slaves. The chapter then moves on to the largest event to rock the early British Empire, the ‘mutiny’ or ‘1st War of Independence’ in India between 1857 and 1858. The nomenclature is a signal of the meaning of the events for different actors involved, and this ambiguity runs into the Curragh ‘Incident’ that has all the hallmarks of a mutiny, except it is staged by the military establishment not by the military subordinates. And if the British thought 1858 was the last time they would see Indian soldiers or sailors mutinying against them, they were wrong: in Singapore in 1915 and then in the Royal India Navy in 1946, the British Empire is forced to look at itself—but chooses not to. Finally, we consider the way British Foreign Labour Battalions were treated in France, compared to the treatment meted out to domestic units, and then consider the role of racism in the Port Chicago mutiny of 1944 which has echoes of the contemporary situation in the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020.


2021 ◽  
Vol Volume 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 240-254
Author(s):  
Amna Zulfiqar ◽  
Sadaf Asif ◽  
Ayesha Siddiqua

The article is intended to compare and analyze the media discourse in the editorials of two daily English newspapers of Pakistan in the context of one of the most controversial antiterrorist operation which is named as the Osama Bin Laden (OBL) operation. For this purpose editorials of two leading English newspapers of Pakistan i.e., Dawn and The News were selected from 3rd May, 2011, to 26th August, 2011. Moreover, the current study employed the method of critical discourse analysis and has also studied the theoretical notion of agenda setting and framing. Results reveal that The News used very strong, rather harsh vocabulary during the editorial coverage of OBL operation. Whereas, Dawn adopted literary phrases and less harsh tone to cover OBL operation. Also, editorials of both the newspapers constructed similar frames such as “failure of military establishment” and “security lapse” throughout the coverage of OBL operation


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