EGYPT'S OTHER NATIONALISTS AND THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
BARNABY CROWCROFT
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
British Planning

ABSTRACTThe Egyptian experience of the Suez crisis and subsequent conflict of 1956 has received significantly less treatment than those of the other major players, Great Britain, France, Israel, and the United States. The consensus over Egypt's role in the crisis has, moreover, has advanced very little from the narrative put forward by official participants at the time, portraying the event as a landmark in a nationalist struggle to restore Egypt's independence and national dignity. This article takes a fresh look at the Suez crisis from the perspective of the figures of an emergent Egyptian political opposition in 1955–6, whose responses differed substantially from this received view. By bringing domestic Egyptian political struggles to the foreground of this international crisis, the article will offer a more nuanced view of the origins of Suez in British planning, and of its significance for contemporary Egyptians. The conclusion will seek to explain how a collection of sometimes extreme nationalists could take such a counter-intuitive position in the Suez crisis through exploring the diversity of nationalist thought in the Egypt of the 1950s.

The International Joint Commission between The United States and Canada

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. MacKay
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The United States ◽  
Joint Commission ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Joint Commission ◽  
International Joint

The preamble of the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909 between Great Britain (on behalf of Canada) and the United States declares its purpose to be: To prevent disputes regarding the use of boundary waters and to settle all questions which are now pending between the United States and the Dominion of Canada involving the rights, obligations, or interests of either in relation to the other or to the inhabitantsof the other, along their common frontier, and to make provision for the adjustment and settlement of all such questions as may hereafter arise.

Some Trends in the International Civil Service

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-537
Author(s):  
Peter Lengyel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Way

Much has been written about the international civil service. The more serious literature is often produced by those who have had at least a limited personal experience within one or the other of the Secretariats, and some of it is by veterans of many years’ standing. Other writings range all the way from popular attempts to bring home to the wider public the spirit and objectives of this relatively new profession to the kind of running, petty vendettas pursued by certain factions, such as the Beaver brook press in Great Britain and isolationist or xenophobic elements in the United States, France, and elsewhere, against what they conceive to be the thin end of a subversive wedge which will eventually sunder national sovereignties and the freedom of an already largely illusory power of self determination.

Refuge England

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Murphy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Extended Period ◽  
The United States ◽  
Serial Killer ◽  
The 1950S

This chapter traces the contributions of four directors to 1950s British noir: Edward Dmytryk, Jules Dassin, Cy Endfiled, and Joseph Losey. While Dmytryk and Dassin found success in the United States in the 1940s with a series of classic noirs, after being blacklisted, both directors were forced to expatriate to Great Britain where they helmed pictures inspired by specifically British elements—the serial killer and postwar, bombed-out London. Unlike Dmytryk and Dassin, Endfield and Losey sought political refuge in England for an extended period in the 1950s, during which they made a number of “noir-inflected melodramas” that brilliantly capture the haunted psyches of these exiled American filmmakers.

Background in the United States and Great Britain to 1950

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Folk Music ◽  
The United States ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
The Public ◽  
The 1950S

Throughout the twentieth century, folk music has had many definitions and incarnations in the United States and Great Britain. The public has been most aware of its commercial substance and appeal, with the focus on recording artists and their repertoires, but there has been so much more, including a political agenda, folklore theories, grassroots styles, regional promoters, and discussions on what musical forms—blues, hillbilly, gospel, Anglo-Saxon, pop, singer-songwriters, instrumental and/or vocal, international—should be included. These contrasting and conflicting interpretations were particularly evident during the 1950s. This chapter begins by focusing on Alan Lomax (1915–2002), one of the most active folk music collectors, radio promoters, and organizers during the 1940s. Lomax had a major influence on folk music in both the United States and Great Britain, tying together what had come before and what would follow. The chapter then discusses folk festivals and performers; British folk music, musicians, and trans-Atlantic musical connections; and Carl Sandburg's publication of the The American Songbag in 1927.

The Cross-National Validity of Party Identification: Great Britain and the United States Compared

1981 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Mughan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Cleavage Structure ◽  
Cross National

The question of party identification's cross-national validity revolves around the issue of whether or not it can be meaningfully distinguished from immediate voting preference in European national contexts. Comparing this relationship in the American and British party systems, however, this article demonstrates that the two forms of party support are behaviourally similar not in the case of national contexts, but of parties that are linked to the host society's cleavage structure. Moreover, it suggests that their behavioural similarity in the case of this type of party is a function of the ideological distance separating one from the other rather than of the two forms of party support tapping the same dimension of party loyalty. But, whatever the reason for the similarity, the conclusion cannot be avoided that party identification cannot serve the same range of powerful theoretical functions in Europe that it does in the United States because the former's party systems all reflect one or more long-standing, sometimes bitter, social divisions in the electorate.

Greece's Experiment with Proportional Representation

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Military

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.

America: Democracy Native and Imported

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Indigenous Movements ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter first discusses the impact of the French Revolution on the United States. The development was twofold. On the one hand, there was an acceleration of indigenous movements. On the other, there was an influence that was unquestionably foreign. The latter presented itself especially with the war that began in Europe in 1792, and with the clash of armed ideologies that the war brought with it. The warring powers in Europe, which for Americans meant the governments of France and Great Britain, attempted to make use of the United States for their own advantage. Different groups of Americans, for their own domestic purposes, were likewise eager to exploit the power and prestige of either England or France. The chapter then turns to the impact of the Revolution on the “other” Americas.

The Diversion of Waters Affecting the United States and Canada

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 488-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Simsarian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Great Lakes ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada

The submission by the Government of the United States to the Government of Canada on May 28, 1938, of a rewritten draft of a Great Lakes-St. Lawrence waterway treaty brings to the forefront again the desirability of concluding a comprehensive agreement between the two Governments for a mutually advantageous utilization of the available navigation and power resources along the boundary basin. In view of the heightened interest in both the United States and Canada, a reexamination of the diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Great Britain and Canada since the end of the nineteenth century regarding the diversion of waters in the United States or in Canada which affected interests in the other country is opportune. It is of significance to note the positions taken by the United States and Great Britain and, later, Canada, in diplomatic negotiations and by significant municipal acts, as to the legal rights of the United States and Canada to the use or diversion of (1) boundary waters, (2) waters which are tributary (and entirely within the territory of one country) to boundary waters, and (3) waters of rivers flowing across the boundary. The distinction between the first situation and the second and third is an important one to observe.

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