Personal Management of Digital Information in University Students from a Gender Perspective

The purpose of the present study is to delve into the process of personal management of digital information among Spanish university students in their final year and to analyze whether there are similarities or differences regarding students’ gender. A non-experimental methodological design has been implemented of an exploratory type and based on a questionnaire as a single data collection instrument. The instrument was validated by means of experts’ judgement, cognitive interview, and construct validity. A total of 2,054 students’ surveys were collected, sourced from all areas of knowledge, in 75 public and private universities. These surveys made it possible to obtain information about the information search, selection, organization, processing, and creation processes. The results revealed that university students have a positive self-concept about their own competence for personal management of information. However, they fail to take advantage of all the possibilities that the digital world offers them. Women search the Internet for more diverse resources than men. They have better judgment when it comes to selecting and processing the information they need. Male students rely more often than female ones on digital mediums when organizing and creating information and choose to publish the information in less complex and more popular formats than their female counterparts. The conclusions of the present study match those of the majority of reviewed studies, namely regarding the organization of information, contextual and social factors which influence the management of information, such as third-party support, and also in relation to the increasing implementation of digital technologies in information management processes.

Situating Politics: Spatial Heterogeneity and the Study of Political History

While quantitative methods are routinely used to examine historical materials, critics take issue with the use of global regression models that attach a single parameter to each predictor, thereby ignoring the effects of time and space, which together define the context in which historical events unfold. This problem can be addressed by allowing for parameter heterogeneity, as highlighted by the proliferation of work on the use of time-varying parameter models. In this paper, I show how this approach can be extended to the case of spatial data using spatially-varying coefficient models, with an eye toward the study of electoral politics, where the use of spatial data is especially common in historical settings. Toward this end, I revisit a critical case in the field of quantitative history: the rise of electoral Populism in the American West in the period between 1890 and 1896. Upending popular narratives about the correlates of third- party support in the late nineteenth century, I show that the association between third- party vote share and traditional predictors such as economic hardship and ethnic composition varied considerably from one place to the next, giving rise to distinct varieties of electoral Populism—a finding that is missed by global models, which mistake the mathematically particular for the historically general. These findings have important theoretical and empirical implications for the study of political action in a world where parameter heterogeneity is increasingly recognized as a standard feature of modern social science.

Ethnicity and governing party support in Africa: A longitudinal multilevel analysis

Historically, ethnicity has been considered to play a fundamental role in voting behaviour in Africa. However, researchers on the issue have found contradictory conclusions. The most recent research concludes that the African voter is more rational than expected. Overall ethnicity seems to be less influential than theory used to suggest. Against this background, this paper analyses vote for governing party in Africa and presents evidence that the method and data set used will have an important influence upon the final result. The research takes form of a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data from 2005 to 2019. Results indicate that ethnicity, although not exclusively, is still an explanatory factor. At a glance, African vote is rationally ethnic.

DIPLOMASI DIGITAL DAN IMPLEMENTASI APLIKASI SAFE TRAVEL DI KEMENTERIAN LUAR NEGERI

Public Service-Based Information Technology and Communication (ICT), Electronics Neighborhood/Pillars of Citizens (e-RT/RW) (Study of e-Government in Kelurahan Talang Semut Kecamatan Bukit Kecil Kota Palembang). This study is based on the new way to manage public sector-oriented management services to the community forward, rather than the interests of the government. E-Government Program is a program of e-RT/RW Surabaya. The results showed the program e-RT/RW sourced from Palembang Mayor Factors supporting the program e-RT/RW in the Kelurahan Talang Semut, Bukit Kecil, Palembang is the full support of the government and relevant parties, the basic service standards and infrastructure are qualified. Whereas the inhibiting factor is the public interest, a lack of internal party support, and lack of maintenance of infrastructure. From the research, the researchers suggest that the necessary socialization harder, but not merely socialization but also training to people to operate online. Transparent financial accountability. Holding intense communication forum, addition of website content, and control of technical problems with a thorough evaluation.

How Much of Electoral Politics Is in the District? Measuring District Effects on Party Support

The electoral district is the fundamental unit of representation in single- and multi-member electoral systems, yet most research shows little interest in district effects on election outcomes, focusing instead on national and individual factors. This is problematic as parties and candidates often put a great deal of effort into district-based campaigns. How, then, can we best capture district effects on party support? We propose a new method using official election returns and geospatial techniques. The result is a measure of how much of a party's vote share is explained by district effects. Using data from the 2006–2019 Canadian federal elections, we find that, on average, 6 to 10 per cent of the variation in a party's vote in Canada is explained by district effects. While district effects on party support are trivial for some districts, in others they account for more than 80 per cent of the variance in party vote shares. The effect of districts on party support is composed, in part, of electoral context, province, socio-economic factors and district campaign intensity. Importantly, the size and sources of district effects on party support vary across parties, suggesting heterogeneity. The benefits of our approach are threefold: (1) it is cost-effective, (2) it can be easily replicated in any setting—past or present—where districts are relevant electoral units and where districting is nonpartisan, and (3) it is responsive to differences in district composition and parties’ campaign effort.

Own-Party Bias: How Voters Evaluate Electoral Outcomes

A voluminous literature documents that citizens' perceptions of democracy are shaped by electoral victories and defeats, but what reasoning do citizens use to evaluate parties as winners or losers? Drawing on research on partisan-motivated reasoning, I propose an own-party bias in winner–loser evaluations according to which voters evaluate the electoral fate of their party more favourably than that of other parties. Data gathered in the aftermath of the Danish parliamentary election in 2015 support this expectation. Citizens are more inclined to interpret the election outcome as successful for their preferred party, regardless of the actual election result. This is more pronounced the stronger their partisan attachment and among the less politically knowledgeable, who also assign less importance to objective indicators of electoral success. The findings have implications for our understanding of electoral winners and losers and of how electoral results shape party support and polarization.

Shifting party goals: Party electoral support and legislative behavior in the majority and the minority

While scholars agree that parties are interested in both pragmatic (electoral) and programmatic (policy) goals, they disagree about the relative importance of those goals. How parties weight these goals has implications for the effect of party involvement on legislative behavior. We argue that parties emphasize these goals differently based on whether they are in the majority or minority. We examine links between party support in primary elections for the US Congress and subsequent legislative behaviors, finding that candidates who received more party support during the primary election were more likely to engage in partisan efforts in the next Congress. Further, party support of incoming legislators is linked to increased partisan behavior through leapfrog representation. We find that these relationships are stronger for majority party candidates, suggesting that parties put a greater emphasis on winning majorities when in the minority but a greater emphasis on policy congruence when in the majority.

Do American Voters Really Not Punish Overt Undemocratic Behavior at the Polls? Natural Experimental Evidence from the 2021 Insurrection of the U.S. Capitol

Existing research suggests that too few American voters hold politicians electorally accountable for overt undemocratic behavior to reasonably deter democratic backsliding. Evidence for this proposition comes primarily from hypothetical survey experiments with relatively modest treatments. I test this hypothesis using a natural experiment with a powerful real-world treatment: Donald Trump's incitement of the insurrection of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. The insurrection was unexpected to the general public, did not coincide with other events that could plausibly affect public opinion, and occurred while Gallup was conducting a nationally representative survey using random digit dialing. Comparing Republican Party support among respondents that were interviewed just before, and just after, the insurrection occurred suggests that the insurrection caused a 10.8% decline in support for the Republican Party. Voters predominantly moved to the Democratic Party, rather than Independent. Back-of-the-envelope calculations suggests that this electoral penalty is sufficient to decide presidential elections.