The False Hopes of 1950: The Wafd's Last Hurrah and the Demise of Egypt's Old Order

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Heavy Burden ◽  
Egyptian Soil ◽  
Ancien Régime

In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egyptian society. Indeed, it might be argued that Egypt's ancien régime survived until 1950 only because the minority governments marshaled the coercive powers of the state to control the streets, campuses, and factories, where dissidence was most manifest. At the time, many sensed that if the political establishment failed to achieve the evacuation of British troops from Egyptian soil, contain rampant inflation, and narrow the gap between rich and poor, martial law could not save the liberal order from collapse. What would follow was uncertain, but talk of revolution, fearful or hopeful, filled the air.

Archaeology and the Liberal Revolutions (c. 1820–1860): Nation, Race, and Language in the Study of Europe’s Past

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Financial Growth ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ancien Régime

There was no return to the Ancien Régime after Napoleon’s downfall in 1815. Firstly, the early nineteenth-century economy was increasingly strengthened by the industrial, imperial and trading expansion of the European powers throughout the world (Chapters 5 to 10), which helped to stimulate Western Europe’s financial growth. Adding immeasurable impetus to this movement was the territorial expansion of Russia and the US, and later in the century other countries such as Japan contributed by broadening their frontiers manifold (Chapters 9 and 10). Factors such as these accelerated the enlargement and aspirations of the middle classes, who were precisely the group leading most of the revolutionary activity in the first half of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the reforms in administration made the state machine more efficient than that of the Ancien Régime and this impeded a full restoration of the old order. Also, for the efficient functioning of the state, the enthusiasm with which educated individuals identified with the nation was extremely important to ensure their loyalty. The late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century socio-political revolutions had brought a series of new meanings to concepts such as conservatism, liberal, democrat, party, and the distinction between left and right (Roberts 1996: 21). For example, liberalism was a doctrine that favoured ‘progress’ and ‘reform’. It was also linked with the type of nationalism that the French Revolution had promoted with the sovereignty of nations and the belief that all citizens were equal in the eyes of the law (although at this time ‘citizenship’, as propagated by the proponents of this doctrine, mainly meant the prosperous classes and male citizens). For progressive liberals, it was not only the established states that had the right to be a nation. The nationalist sentiments and claims by Greeks, Slovaks, Czechs, Brazilians, Mexicans, Hungarians, and a myriad of would-be nations, illustrate the growth of the widespread notion of nationhood that reached to other people with distinctive pasts and cultures. Liberals also had to confront, or negotiate with, the reactionary forces that brought down Napoleon in 1815. They were mainly made up of the nobility, and also supported by conservative intellectuals.

scholarly journals Supplications between Politics and Justice: The Northern and Central Italian States in the Early Modern Age

2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (S9) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Nubola
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entire System ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
Ancien Régime

“Those who think to do away with petitions would overthrow the entire system of the State”. This remark – taken from an anonymous eighteenth-century account of the political organization of the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza – describes well the importance attributed to complaints in the organization of the state. Through complaints, or petitions, it is generally possible to verify a number of fundamental forms and modes of communication between society and the institutions of the ancien regime, and to reconstruct the procedures of mediation, repression, acceptance, and agreement adopted by princes, sovereigns, or magistracies in response to social demands.

Neither Markets nor Administration: Brandeis and the Antitrust Reforms of 1914

1994 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Berk
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Order

The election of 1912 retains its hold on the imagination of students of American political development. Long interpreted as a conflict between tradition and modernity, Martin Sklar has recently argued that the old order had passed by 1912. In law and economy, competitive-proprietary capitalism had been eclipsed by administration. The political conflict was now overwhowould administer prices and investment, the corporation of the state?

Interlocking Patrimonialisms and State Formation in Qing China and Early Modern Europe

2011 ◽  
Vol 636 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liping Wang ◽  
Julia Adams
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
Ancien Régime

Familial power contributed to binding territories together and systematically severing them in both China and early modern European states. In the early Qing (1644–1911) Empire, Manchu conquerors met the challenges of securing and expanding rule by discovering ways to use laterally related brothers and imperial bondservants to hold Chinese bureaucrats in check, while deploying bureaucracy to restrain princely brothers from partitioning the state. The ensuing interlock of patrimonial practices and bureaucracy, developed in a style similar to ancien régime France, stabilized political power for centuries.

Citizenship, otherness and cosmopolitism in Kant

1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-446
Author(s):  
Gérard Raulet
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Philosophy Of History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Modern Conception ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
To Come ◽  
Ancien Régime

In the present social and political context, there is an urgent need to reexamine attentively the theories that have founded the modern conception of citizenship and, in particular, to scrutinize the relation they have established between otherness and modern national identity. I intend to do this by resorting to Kant's writings on the philosophy of history, and particularly his political Project for a Perpetual Peace, in which he attempts to come to grips with the consequences of the breakdown of the ancien régime and of the pre-modern conception of the nation in order to outline the modern principles governing the three levels of right: of the Rechtsstaat (a state based on the rule of law); of the Völkerrecht (the people's right); and of the so-called Weltbürgerrecht (the “cosmopolitical right”). The decisive and perhaps disturbing idea that has to be demonstrated is that, in Kant's modern political thought, there is no contradiction between nationalism and cosmopolitism. Any interpretation of his thought that neglects this point would lead to a misunderstanding of Kant's philosophical revolution and fall back into the political as well as the metaphysical ancien régime. We have to show: (1) that Kant's critique of Reason aims to establish a legislation in the sphere of knowledge itself and that it must therefore accomplish in this sphere a “revolution” that distinguishes - in opposition to metaphysical universalism - different territories with their own constitution and legislation; (2) that the relation between this theoretical “revolution” and the political one is not only a metaphor, and that Kant's rejection of the political ancien régime cannot be correctly understood if it is not related to the theoretical model of the legitimacy of the different territories of Reason.

The Turbans of Liberty

2020 ◽  
pp. 82-103
Author(s):  
Ian Coller
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Ancien Régime ◽  
Race And Religion

This chapter investigates the wave of revolutionary universalism launched by a piece of revolutionary theater. This was symbolized by the turban, even as that universalism was riven from within by contradictions over race and religion. As the exclusions of the ancien régime were addressed, new questions emerged around the plurality of religions and their relation to the state. In June 1790, on the anniversary of the declaration of the National Assembly, the appearance of a deputation of foreigners led by the Prussian baron Jean-Baptiste (later Anacharsis) Cloots set off a remarkable chain of events that led to the abolition of noble titles in France. The visible presence of Muslims in this deputation played a key role in catalyzing the explosion of enthusiasm that followed: so much so that counterrevolutionary voices clamored to insist that these Muslims were impostors dressed in costumes from the opera.

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