Conflict and cooperation in OPEC: prospects for the next decade

1978 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Jabber

Since 1973 the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has emerged as a working governmental cartel with formidable leverage over international economic relations and Middle Eastern politics. Over the next decade, OPEC will continue to operate as an effective cartel able to maintain real oil prices at least at or near the levels achieved in 1973–74. Expected world oil demand levels will be high enough to obviate substantial economic threats to the Organization's cohesion. Nor are potentially contentious political or ideological issues likely to be pursued by major OPEC members with sufficient vigor to jeopardize the cartel. Of cardinal importance is the fact that only Saudi Arabia is in a position to break the cartel unilaterally. Such Saudi action is highly improbable in the medium term, though after 1980 Saudi leverage will increase and raise with it the utility of oil-production rates as a diplomatic weapon.

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Golik

In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries. 


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Bayne

IN MY GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION/LEONARD SCHAPIRO lecture in 1993 I attempted an incomplete analysis of international economic relations after the end of the cold war, in particular the unexpected tensions and difficulties. The end of superpower confrontation had not only removed one incentive for Western countries to settle their economic disputes. It had also lowered the priority given to security issues, where national governments were in control, and had exposed their dwindling ability to take economic decisions, because of the extent of the interdependence which was the price paid for their prosperity. I could not think of a single area of domestic policy immune from international influence. Professor Susan Strange has developed a more trenchant analysis of this trend in her Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro lecture this year.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Jackson

The problem of linkage between “nontrade” subjects and the World Trade Organization is certainly one of the most pressing and challenging policy puzzles for international economic relations and institutions today. It is extensively and harshly debated by political leaders and diplomats, at both the national and the international levels of discourse, and is one of several issues that derailed the WTO Third Ministerial Conference in Seattle in late 1999. It also posed problems for the Fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar, in November of 2001, and it threatens to derail the successful functions of the WTO itself.


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