scholarly journals W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Golik

In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries. 

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (5) ◽  
pp. 48-65
Author(s):  
ONYSHCHENKO Volodymyr

Background. Dynamic changes in international economic relations and trade for thorough analysis and forecasting require an adequate paradigm of international trade theory, which would take into account not only economic and political factors of its development, but also the diverse civilizational context of the world community, which determines mental, social and cultural features of the development of a country. Problem research state. Problems of political economy in international trade to some extent affect the research of P. Krugman, M. Obstfeld, J. Frieden, E. Helpman, P. S. Afontsev, A. Mazaraki, T. Melnyk, V. Panchenko, N. Reznikova and others. But the structure of its methodological discourse and the subject of its research remain unclear. The aim of the articleis to clarify the political and economic discourse of the theory of international trade. Materials and methods. The materials of the research were the works of domestic and foreign specialists. In the process of preparing the article, general scientific research methods were used: historical, logical analysis, synthesis and abstraction. Results. Political economy is a normative manifestation of economic theory, which is formed under the influence of socio-economic and political concepts, the formed goals of social development. The subject of political economy of international trade – economic and socio-political relations that determine and accompany international trade and determine the goals and content of trade policy of its subjects. It is proposed to expand the mechanism of formation of relative advantages and trade policy of the country by including factors that determine not only its economic potential and specialization, but also the risks that may be caused by political decisions. It is argued that the problem of «protectionism vs liberalism» in international trade at the state level will always exist. It turns out that the problem of justice in international economic relations and trade is determined by the civilizational content of the development of countries, in which human capital plays a crucial role. Conclusion. The paradigm of political economy in international trade should be based on an expanded interpretation of relative benefits by assessing the impact of economic, social and political institutionson them, the peculiarities of national trade policies.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 192-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russel Lawrence Barsh

A recently concluded special session of the General Assembly adopted, for the first time by consensus, a blueprint for the coordination of national and international economic policies. Carefully worded without any reference to the “New International Economic Order,” the session’s declaration nonetheless echoed the NIEO and its principal instrument, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which provided: “States should co-operate in facilitating more rational and equitable international economic relations and in encouraging structural changes in the context of a balanced world economy in harmony with the needs and interests of all countries, especially developing countries, and should take appropriate measures to this end.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Ana Novik A. ◽  
Paulina Nazal

This is a personal reflection; it does not necessarily represent the opinion of the OECD or its members, nor of the Undersecretariat for International Economic Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile.


Author(s):  
V. L. Hursky

The article is devoted to the study of the modern global challenges that have a significant impact on the transformation of international economic relations, namely: the exacerbation of the struggle among global players for technological dominance, caused by the transition to a new technological order (digital economy), and the intensification of the struggle between TNCs and government structures for control over resources, caused by the growing power of TNCs and their desire to get rid of state control. It is noted that a change in the system of socio-economic relations, based on the widespread introduction of digital means of production, forms a new type of management of socio-economic processes, and the strengthening of the role of corporations in shaping countries’ economic policies generates risks of domination of corporate interests over public ones.


1978 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Jabber

Since 1973 the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has emerged as a working governmental cartel with formidable leverage over international economic relations and Middle Eastern politics. Over the next decade, OPEC will continue to operate as an effective cartel able to maintain real oil prices at least at or near the levels achieved in 1973–74. Expected world oil demand levels will be high enough to obviate substantial economic threats to the Organization's cohesion. Nor are potentially contentious political or ideological issues likely to be pursued by major OPEC members with sufficient vigor to jeopardize the cartel. Of cardinal importance is the fact that only Saudi Arabia is in a position to break the cartel unilaterally. Such Saudi action is highly improbable in the medium term, though after 1980 Saudi leverage will increase and raise with it the utility of oil-production rates as a diplomatic weapon.


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