From Settler to Citizen: New Mexican Economic Development and the Creation of Vecino Society, 1750–1820. By Ross Frank. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Pp. xxiv, 329. $45.00.

2001 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1138-1139
Author(s):  
Richard J. Salvucci

The first Spanish expedition into New Mexico took place in 1598 under Juan de Oñate. Less than a century later, Spanish settlers were expelled from Santa Fe during the Pueblo revolt of 1680 and the Crown was unable to reestablish control until 1692. New Mexico thereafter remained little more than an insecure settlement on the northern edge of Spain's American empire. Like that of the other frontier marches, New Mexico's status changed dramatically after 1750, when Spain, impelled by growing foreign pressure, sought to strengthen the defensive margins of its possessions. New Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine colony, for example, all received renewed attention in Madrid. Their subsequent development was dramatically altered by the metropolitan response to the Seven Years War (1756–1763), measures known collectively as the Bourbon reforms.

1994 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-171
Author(s):  
Jim Norris

Scholars who have studied the Franciscan effort in New Mexico during the Spanish colonial epoch have generally posited that the watershed event in the missionary program was the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Thus, the periodization for the Order's evangelical effort has been structured in two parts: pre-1680 and post-reconquest (1692-1821). One need only compare Fray Alonso de Benavides's glowing description of his brethren's work in the region in 1630 with that of Fray Silvestre Vélez de Escalante's harsh rebuke to the friars in 1777 to realize fundamental changes had occurred in the missionization process. Benavides's Franciscans are ardent, ascetic, and capable missionary priests. Consequently, prior to 1680, the Franciscan Order, in what the Spanish called the Kingdom of New Mexico, was able to maintain a high degree of authority, power, and prestige especially in regard to its relations with the local population and civil government. On the other hand, the missionaries condemned by Escalante are complacent, contentious idlers. While there are a dearth of studies on the post-1692 Franciscans, historians who have ventured into the era suggest a significant erosion in the quality and dedication of the later missionaries. The conclusion, then, is that these less committed friars were at least partially responsible for the decline of the Order's position within the Kingdom.


1980 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 413-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joann Joselyn ◽  
Joseph F. Bryson

On August 27, 1978, a major geomagnetic storm began which eventually resulted in short period geomagnetic fluctuations of over 500 gammas in Boulder, and sightings of aurora as far south as Santa Fe, New Mexico. This storm was not obviously precipitated by flare or coronal hole solar plasma, but was apparently associated with a large solar filament which abruptly disappeared on August 23, 1978. Prelimininary results of a study inspired by this storm are that 16 of the 59 geomagnetic storms which have occurred since the beginning of the current 11 year solar cycle can only be traced to disappearing filaments and some of the other storms which have been blamed on flares or coronal holes are also associated with disappearing filaments. Filament eruptions have been identified with coronal mass ejections, especially those observed with the Skylab white-light coronograph. However, there are some points of difference between typical coronal transients and geoactive coronal transients which may suggest fruitful research.


2001 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Horton

What are the implications of public commemorations of the Southwest's Spanish colonization, and do such celebrations sanction the conquest's continuing legacy of racial inequality? This paper examines such questions by way of an analysis of the Santa Fe Fiesta, an annual celebration of New Mexico's 1692 re-conquest from the Pueblo Indians by Spanish General Don Diego de Vargas. The Santa Fe Fiesta, which uses living actors to publicly re-enact the Pueblos' submission to Spanish conquistadors, may be analyzed as a variant of the "conquest dramas" the Spanish historically used to convey a message of Spanish superiority and indigenous inferiority. Indeed, New Mexico's All Indian Pueblo Council and its Eight Northern Pueblos have boycotted the Fiesta since 1977, and some Chicanos have complained the event's glorification of a Spanish identity excludes Latinos of mixed heritage. However, an examination of the history of the Fiesta illustrates that although it ritually re-enacts the Spanish re-conquest of New Mexico, it also comments obliquely on another--the Anglo usurpation of Hispanos' former control over the region. Although Anglo officials at the Museum of New Mexico revived the Fiesta as a lure for tourists and settlers in the early 20th-century, Hispanos have gradually re-appropriated the Fiesta as a vehicle for the "active preservation of Hispanic heritage in New Mexico." Thus an analysis of the Fiesta's history illustrates that the event conveys a powerful contemporary message; it is both part conquest theater and part theater of resistance to Hispanos' own conquest.


Radiocarbon ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-209
Author(s):  
Renee Kra

I recently had the privilege of attending the Conference on Technology-Based Confidence Building: Energy & Environment, hosted by Los Alamos National Laboratory and The University of California, in Santa Fe, New Mexico, July 9–14, 1989.


Author(s):  
Martina Will De Chaparro

This chapter surveys death and burial in nineteenth-century New Mexico as the region transitioned from Spanish, to Mexican, to United States control. Highlighting Albuquerque and Santa Fe, it considers the territory’s multiracial and multicultural past by tracing Indian and Spanish burial practices, the influence of colonialism and independence, and ultimately the arrival of non-Catholic “Anglo,” African American, European, and Asian newcomers to transform the local burial landscape. Although earlier archival and archaeological evidence suggests that New Mexicans did not segregate their dead by race and ethnicity, subsequent imperial shifts, new concern over public health, evolving church influence, and religious and racial transformation led to new practices to separate the dead by faith, national origin, race, and economic standing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 ◽  
pp. 260-265
Author(s):  
Kathy M. Milazzo

Spanish dance history begins in Roman times with the puellae Gaditanae, the temple dancers who expressed eastern Mediterranean fertility rites through a legendary sensuality. Nineteenth-century accounts of dance in New Mexico that allude to highly sensual movements suggest a continuation of this representation of the female dancing body. In an 1846 diary detailing her travels on the Santa Fe Trail, Susan Magoffin offers a report of the cuna as witnessed in a gambling hall in Santa Fe. Her descriptions echo accounts of notorious Spanish dances from previous centuries like the zarabanda and the zorongo—dances created at crossroads in the Spanish Americas where Spaniards, black Africans, Native peoples, and other Europeans intersected. Studies show that the Spanish language spoken by old New Mexican families contains many archaic elements that have been lost in other Spanish-speaking countries due to the State's isolated geographic location. Like Spanish terminology, were the cuna and other dances remnants of dances forgotten in other Spanish lands?  In the first half of the nineteenth century, New Mexico progressed from a Spanish colony to the northern frontier of independent Mexico, before it was absorbed into the United States. Building on narratives found in eyewitness accounts, this paper will explore the role of dance as a preservation site of old Spanish practices as it was shaping a unique New Mexican creole identity.


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