Global Monetary Regime and National Central Banking: The Case of Hungary, 1921–1929. By György Péteri. (Translated from Hungarian by Mario D. Fenyo.) Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, 2002. Pp. x, 199. $30.00.

2002 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1150-1152
Author(s):  
Ivan T. Berend
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Braun ◽  
Donato Di Carlo ◽  
Sebastian Diessner ◽  
Maximilian Düsterhöft

The impact of international economic integration on social protection is conditional on the monetary regime. This key insight of both Polanyi and Ruggie has been neglected in the Polanyi-inspired debate on the social consequences of European integration. Focusing on the European Court of Justice and the European Commission as the supranational enforcers of the legal logic of integration, the literature has paid insufficient attention to the role of the European Central Bank (ECB) as the supranational enforcer of the economic logic of integration since monetary union. While Polanyi conceptualized central banking as an institution of non-market coordination that evolved to protect the domestic economy from gold standard pressures, the ECB has acted as an enforcer of disembedding “euro standard” pressures vis-`a-vis national labor market and welfare state institutions. Performing a mixed-methods analysis of public speeches, parliamentary hearings, central bank publications, and interviews with senior decision-makers, we provide the first comprehensive study of the ECB’s advocacy of structural reforms during the period 1999–2019. Despite lacking the mandate or the authority to override national legislation, the ECB, strategically pursuing its organizational and systemic interests, pushed for structural reforms via discursive advocacy and conditionality. Our results show that Europe’s prospects for Polanyian non-market coordination are determined by Frankfurt as much as by Luxembourg and Brussels.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Ward ◽  
John S. Ahlquist

2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Knut Larsson ◽  
Josef Frischer

The education of researchers in Sweden is regulated by a nationwide reform implemented in 1969, which intended to limit doctoral programs to 4 years without diminishing quality. In an audit performed by the government in 1996, however, it was concluded that the reform had failed. Some 80% of the doctoral students admitted had dropped out, and only 1% finished their PhD degree within the stipulated 4 years. In an attempt to determine the causes of this situation, we singled out a social-science department at a major Swedish university and interviewed those doctoral students who had dropped out of the program. This department was found to be representative of the nationwide figures found in the audit. The students interviewed had all completed at least 50% of their PhD studies and had declared themselves as dropouts from this department. We conclude that the entire research education was characterized by a laissez-faire attitude where supervisors were nominated but abdicated. To correct this situation, we suggest that a learning alliance should be established between the supervisor and the student. At the core of the learning alliance is the notion of mutually forming a platform form which work can emerge in common collaboration. The learning alliance implies a contract for work, stating its goals, the tasks to reach these goals, and the interpersonal bonding needed to give force and endurance to the endeavor. Constant scrutiny of this contract and a mutual concern for the learning alliance alone can contribute to its strength.


1989 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 961-964 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Feingold
Keyword(s):  

1981 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 480-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell H. Weigel ◽  
Jeffrey J. Pappas
Keyword(s):  

1995 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Cooper ◽  
Nancy Dorr ◽  
B. Ann Bettencourt
Keyword(s):  

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