scholarly journals The intonation of the Q-marking construction: A comparison of Hungarian and Slovenian

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-397
Author(s):  
LOUISE MYCOCK
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Pitch Accents

This paper examines the Q-marking construction: an interrogative construction in which a question phrase takes scope over a higher clause even though it appears in a lower clause. In this construction, the scope of a question phrase is extended by the presence of another word, the Q-marker, in a higher clause. While the syntax of this construction has been described and analysed in a number of works, its intonation is yet to receive commensurate attention. This paper presents data from two unrelated languages in which the Q-marking construction can be used to form questions: Hungarian and Slovenian. Data show that while the Q-marker shares properties with question words in Hungarian (they bear the same pitch accent), in Slovenian the Q-marker and question words bear distinct pitch accents. Furthermore, in Hungarian a direct intonational link exists between the Q-marker and a question phrase whose scope is extended, rather than an indirect one between the Q-marker and the entire lower clause in which the question phrase appears. The Slovenian data are compatible with the existence of either an indirect or a direct intonational link. These findings reveal hitherto unidentified dimensions of cross-linguistic variation, for which any analysis of the Q-marking construction must account.

scholarly journals The Role of Prosodic Breaks and Pitch Accents in Grouping Words during On-line Sentence Processing

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (9) ◽  
pp. 2447-2467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Bögels ◽  
Herbert Schriefers ◽  
Wietske Vonk ◽  
Dorothee J. Chwilla
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Semantic Interpretation ◽  
N400 Effect ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
On Line ◽  
Group Words ◽  
Pitch Accents

The present study addresses the question whether accentuation and prosodic phrasing can have a similar function, namely, to group words in a sentence together. Participants listened to locally ambiguous sentences containing object- and subject-control verbs while ERPs were measured. In Experiment 1, these sentences contained a prosodic break, which can create a certain syntactic grouping of words, or no prosodic break. At the disambiguation, an N400 effect occurred when the disambiguation was in conflict with the syntactic grouping created by the break. We found a similar N400 effect without the break, indicating that the break did not strengthen an already existing preference. This pattern held for both object- and subject-control items. In Experiment 2, the same sentences contained a break and a pitch accent on the noun following the break. We argue that the pitch accent indicates a broad focus covering two words [see Gussenhoven, C. On the limits of focus projection in English. In P. Bosch & R. van der Sandt (Eds.), Focus: Linguistic, cognitive, and computational perspectives. Cambridge: University Press, 1999], thus grouping these words together. For object-control items, this was semantically possible, which led to a “good-enough” interpretation of the sentence. Therefore, both sentences were interpreted equally well and the N400 effect found in Experiment 1 was absent. In contrast, for subject-control items, a corresponding grouping of the words was impossible, both semantically and syntactically, leading to processing difficulty in the form of an N400 effect and a late positivity. In conclusion, accentuation can group words together on the level of information structure, leading to either a semantically “good-enough” interpretation or a processing problem when such a semantic interpretation is not possible.

Prosodic Characteristics of Sentences with Communicatively Marked and Communicatively Unmarked Alignment

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 595-608
Author(s):  
Bistra Dimitrova ◽  
◽  
Snezhina Dimitrova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Prosodic Features ◽  
Pitch Range ◽  
Pitch Accents

The paper presents the results from a study of the interaction between intonation and information structure in SVO and OVS sentences with communicatively (un)marked alignment of information structure elements. We analyzed the prosodic features of pre-nuclear and nuclear pitch accents. The information structure elements were characterized using Steedman’s (2000) model which classifies sentence constituents as belonging to one of the following categories: theme-background, theme-focus, rheme-background and rheme-focus. Our study found that unmarked and marked alignment has no effect on the pitch range of the rheme-focus. In cases of communicatively unmarked alignment, the pitch range of the theme-background (and rheme-background) group in OVS sentences is wider than in SVO sentences. Word order has no effect on the duration of the accented syllable. Topicalized constituents belonging to the theme-background in OVS sentences with unmarked alignment form separate intermediate phrases. In cases of marked alignment, the rheme-focus ends with a phrase accent and sometimes a pause. The rheme-background and rheme-focus always take a pitch accent, whereas the theme-background is marked by a pitch accent only in cases of communicatively unmarked alignment. The theme-background is deaccented when the sentence is communicatively marked.

scholarly journals The prosody of rhetorical questions in English

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICOLE DEHÉ ◽  
BETTINA BRAUN
Keyword(s):  
Information Seeking ◽  
Voice Quality ◽  
Previous Literature ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Semantic Difference ◽  
Production Experiment ◽  
Rhetorical Questions ◽  
Pitch Accents

This article contributes to our knowledge about the prosodic realisation of rhetorical questions (RQs) as compared to information-seeking questions (ISQs). It reports on a production experiment testing the prosody of English wh- and polar RQs and ISQs in a Canadian variety. In previous literature, the contribution of prosody to the distinction between the two illocution types has often been limited to the intonational realisation of the terminus of the utterance, i.e. whether it ends in a rise or a fall. Along with edge tones, we tested other phonological and phonetic parameters. Our results are as follows: (i) The intonational terminus was distinctive only for polar questions (rise vs plateau), not for wh-questions (low throughout). (ii) Moreover, the semantic difference between RQs and ISQs is signalled by pitch accents. It is reflected in nuclear pitch accent type for wh-questions, and accent type and position for polar questions. (iii) Phonetically, RQs are produced with longer constituent durations and – for wh-questions – a softer voice quality in the wh-word. Taken together, several intonational categories and phonetic parameters contribute to the distinction between RQs and ISQs. A simple distinction between rising and falling intonation is in any case insufficient.

scholarly journals Perception in Black and White: Effects of Intonational Variables and Filtering Conditions on Sociolinguistic Judgments With Implications for ASR

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole R. Holliday
Keyword(s):  
Speech Recognition ◽  
Speech Synthesis ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Social Judgments ◽  
Black And White ◽  
African American Language ◽  
Focus Marking ◽  
Computational Systems ◽  
Pitch Accents

This study tests the effects of intonational contours and filtering conditions on listener judgments of ethnicity to arrive at a more comprehensive understanding on how prosody influences these judgments, with implications for austomatic speech recognition systems as well as speech synthesis. In a perceptual experiment, 40 American English listeners heard phrase-long clips which were controlled for pitch accent type and focus marking. Each clip contained either two H* (high) or two L+H* (low high) pitch accents and a L-L% (falling) boundary tone, and had also previously been labelled for broad or narrow focus. Listeners rated clips in two tasks, one with unmodified stimuli and one with stimuli lowpass filtered at 400 Hz, and were asked to judge whether the speaker was “Black” or “White”. In the filtered condition, tokens with the L+H* pitch accent were more likely to be rated as “Black”, with an interaction such that broad focus enhanced this pattern, supporting earlier findings that listeners may perceive African American Language as having more variation in possible pitch accent meanings. In the unfiltered condition, tokens with the L+H* pitch accent were less likely to be rated as Black, with no effect of focus, likely due to the fact that listeners relied more heavily on available segmental information in this condition. These results enhance our understanding of cues listeners rely on in making social judgments about speakers, especially in ethnic identification and linguistic profiling, by highlighting perceptual differences due to listening environment as well as predicted meaning of specific intonational contours. They also contribute to our understanding of the role of how human listeners interpret meaning within a holistic context, which has implications for the construction of computational systems designed to replicate the properties of natural language. In particular, they have important applicability to speech synthesis and speech recognition programs, which are often limited in their capacities due to the fact that they do not make such holistic sociolinguistic considerations of the meanings of input or output speech.

scholarly journals The prosodic properties of narrow information focus in Central Mexican Spanish: Pitch accents, de-emphasis and phrasing

Loquens ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. e069
Author(s):  
Érika Mendoza Vázquez ◽  
Rodrigo Gutiérrez-Bravo ◽  
Pedro Martín Butragueño
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Primary Factor ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Mexican Spanish ◽  
Properties Of Information ◽  
Information Focus ◽  
Pitch Accents ◽  
Flat Pattern

This paper investigates the different prosodic strategies used for the marking of information focus in Central Mexican Spanish. For this purpose, we carried out a study of the prosodic properties of information focus both in clause final position and in situ. Our results show important differences when compared to other varieties of Spanish. Specifically, we observe that the most frequent accent signaling information focus is a monotonal pitch accent (L* or !H*) and not L+H*. Furthermore, in many cases we observe that the pitch accent is not the only mechanism used to signal the focus: this is because we observe the presence of prosodic edges to the left of the focus, presumably functioning as an additional prosodic cue to identify it. Additionally, while we do not observe deaccenting of post-focal material, we do observe a sequence of non-rising forms (a flat pattern or “de-emphasis”) following the pitch accent that signals an in situ information focus forced by the test. With respect to phonological phrasing, our results confirm the analysis in Prieto (2006), where it is proposed that syntactic constituency is not the primary factor that regulates phrasing in Spanish.

Comparison of Pitch Accent in Native Speakers of English & Mandarin Learners of English

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonja Frazier
Keyword(s):  
English Language Learners ◽  
English Language ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
English Speakers ◽  
Elicited Imitation ◽  
Esl Education ◽  
Native Canadian ◽  
Speech Communities ◽  
Mandarin Speakers ◽  
Pitch Accents

This research project was conducted as a pilot study to explore how pitch accent is used by NCES (Native Canadian English Speakers) and MLE (Mandarin Learners of English). Pitch accents are the prominent high or low tones, that are predominantly found on content words (N, V, Adv, Adj, etc.) in English. In order to compare how both speech communities use pitch accent in English, participants were given an EI (Elicited Imitation) Task. The EI involved participants hearing and then repeating a sentence. It is also reconstructive in nature meaning that the participants process the sentence, then reconstruct it with their own grammar, and finally reproduce it. The results showed that Mandarin speakers had more pitch accents than English speakers, adding pitch accents on function words (Art, Pro, Prep, etc.) as well. The results also demonstrated that Mandarin speakers had less creaky words (words said in a very low pitch, also known as laryngealization or vocal fry) than the English participants. Implications of this study concern ESL Education; such as should English pitch accent patterns and creak in English be taught to English language learners.

scholarly journals The phonology of pitch accents in Chickasaw

Phonology ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Stress Constraints ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Stress Patterns ◽  
Pitch Accents

This paper examines the phonology of pitch accents in Chickasaw, a Muskogean language of Oklahoma. Chickasaw is typologically unusual in displaying a predominantly top-down prominence system, in which phonological and morphological factors that are irrelevant for word-level stress play a crucial role in positioning the pitch accent in an Intonational Phrase. Word-level stress docks on the same syllable as the pitch accent, leading to asymmetries between stress patterns found in words carrying a pitch accent and words without a pitch accent. This type of top-down prominence system emerges naturally in Optimality Theory through an inviolable constraint requiring alignment of pitch accents and stress, coupled with the ranking of certain phrasal pitch-accent constraints above word-level stress constraints.

scholarly journals Melodic constructions in Spanish: Metrical structure determines the association properties of intonational tones

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Torreira ◽  
Martine Grice
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Stressed Syllable ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
High Rise ◽  
Completion Task ◽  
Focus Structure ◽  
The Common ◽  
Pitch Accents

This paper explores phrase-length-related alternations in the association of tones to positions in metrical structure in two melodic constructions of Spanish. An imitation-and-completion task eliciting (a) the low–falling–rising contour and (b) the circumflex contour on intonation phrases (IPs) of one, two, and three prosodic words revealed that, although the focus structure and pragmatic context is constant across conditions, phrases containing one prosodic word differ in their nuclear (i.e. final) pitch accents and edge tones from phrases containing more than one prosodic word. For contour (a), short intonation phrases (e.g. [Manolo]IP) were produced with a low accent followed by a high edge tone (L* H% in ToBI notation), whereas longer phrases (e.g. [El hermano de la amiga de Manolo]IP‘Manolo's friend's brother’) had a low accent on the first stressed syllable, a rising accent on the last stressed syllable, and a low edge tone (L* L+H* L%). For contour (b), short phrases were produced with a high–rise (L+H* ¡H%), whereas longer phrases were produced with an initial accentual rise followed by an upstepped rise–fall (L+H* ¡H* L%). These findings imply that the common practice of describing the structure of intonation contours as consisting of a constant nuclear pitch accent and following edge tone is not adequate for modeling Spanish intonation. To capture the observed melodic alternations, we argue for clearer separation between tones and metrical structure, whereby intonational tones do not necessarily have an intrinsic culminative or delimitative function (i.e. as pitch accents or as edge tones). Instead, this function results from melody-specific principles of tonal–metrical association.

scholarly journals An intonational grammar for Icelandic

2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Dehé
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Narrow Focus ◽  
Intonational Phrases ◽  
Pitch Accents

The aim of this paper is to shed new light on the tonal grammar of Icelandic and to complement the tone inventory as previously described in the literature (Árnason 1998). Specifically, types of pitch accents and edge tones and their combinations in neutral declaratives and questions, and in utterances containing narrow focus are addressed. Two pitch accent types (H* and L*) and two edge tones (H- and L-) are identified, for which evidence has not been found in previous research. Moreover, the paper shows for declaratives, that along with downstep, Icelandic has upstep across Intonational Phrases. Upstep applies to a series of pitch peaks. It may occur in neutral declaratives and in utterances with final narrow focus. Overall, the results of this study provide a substantial addition to our knowledge of Icelandic intonational phonology.

The Development of L2 Spanish Intonation During a Study Abroad Immersion Program in León, Spain: Global Contours and Final Boundary Movements

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas C. Henriksen ◽  
Kimberly L. Geeslin ◽  
Erik W. Willis
Keyword(s):  
Study Abroad ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Production Task ◽  
Recording Time ◽  
Immersion Program ◽  
Frequency Of Use ◽  
Common Strategy ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Individual Profiles ◽  
Pitch Accents

AbstractThe current study is the first technically-principled examination of second language Spanish intonation as it develops in a study abroad context. As such, it aims to identify patterns of development related to overall F0 contours and final boundary movements by creating individual profiles for each L2 learner at the beginning and the end of their stay abroad. Our data come from 5 English-speaking learners of Spanish enrolled in a study abroad immersion program for 7 weeks in León, Spain. We collected data through a computerized production task that elicited three context-based sentence types: declaratives, absolute interrogatives, and pronominal interrogatives. This task was administered once upon arrival to León and again at the end of the 7-week program (approximately 6 weeks elapsed between tasks). In our analysis, we calculated the initial and final tonal levels in addition to the Low and High tones of pitch accents (when applicable). For each learner the most common strategy employed at each recording time was identified. Our findings show that despite individual variation, most L2 learners modify their intonational patterns (i.e. pitch accent and boundary movements) through an increase in frequency of use of their more dominant intonation patterns and/or changes in their final boundary tone inventory.

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