The Withdrawal of the U.N. Force from the Congo: a note for the historical record

1970 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-309
Author(s):  
George L. Sherry

Much of the literature, scholarly and journalistic, about certain aspects of the United Nations operation in the Congo has been marked by the twin short. comings of a lack of authentic information on the one hand and the ignoring of such information, even where it is readily available, on the other.There is not much that can be done for the time being about the lack of information, especially in view of the confidential relationship of the United Nations Secretariat with Member States, which inevitably means that the Secretary-General's position often to some extent goes by default before public opinion. This is a pity, but the Secretariat obviously could not operate if governments could not rely on its discretion, which they are entitled to take for granted.

2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 273-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjarke Nielsen

There has been much debate on ‘culturespeak’ and the politics of culture, but the bureaucratic articulation of specific representations of culture has not received much attention. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, this article presents a double take on bureaucracy. On the one hand, I focus on the outcome of UNESCO’s bureaucracy: UNESCO promotes an all-inclusive culture perspective for ‘We the Peoples of the United Nations’, but there are limits to tolerance in this culture ideology. On the other hand, I focus on the social and pragmatic adaptation to the bureaucratic field and towards UNESCO’s keywords, as they are embedded with institutional authority in everyday practice. In conclusion, I briefly situate UNESCO’s culture ideology in relation to questions of recognition and redistribution.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-95
Author(s):  
NORBERT GÖTZ

AbstractSweden's relationship with the United Nations fluctuated considerably between 1941 and 1946. This article examines how the Nordic country's own security interests were sometimes viewed as compatible and sometimes at odds with membership of the United Nations. The discussions surrounding Sweden's accession to the United Nations and actions of its first delegates to the international organisation are explored at length. So too is the discrepancy between Sweden's reputation for neutrality and its enthusiastic support for the United Nations, on the one hand, and its internal debates and policy decisions during the 1940s, on the other. Finally, the article explores the ways in which Sweden used the United Nations as an arena in which to manifest both its indifference to security alignment and its exceptionalism in world affairs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-41
Author(s):  
Kristina Daugirdas

The cholera outbreak in Haiti offers a useful case study of reputation as a disciplinarian of international organizations. On the one hand, UN officials and member states alike have emphasized the need to repair the organization’s damaged reputation. On the other hand, the UN secretariat declined to take certain steps that might have averted—or at least mitigated—that reputational damage in the first place. This contribution argues that the United Nations’ response to cholera in Haiti showcases some important limitations and complications of reputation as a disciplinarian. Reputation will function as a less effective disciplinarian of organizations in the context of uncertainty about the facts or about what the law requires. Notably, international organizations have some capacity to perpetuate factual uncertainty through their control over key sources of information. Reputation will also serve as a less effective disciplinarian when organizations have multiple audiences that are not evaluating the organization against the same standards.


2012 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Liang

Despite the vast challenges facing the United Nations in its ever expanding mandate, the task of reforming the organisation remains encumbered by its onerous amendment procedures. Recent attempts to instigate formal changes to the Charter of the United Nations have all failed. In this context, it is argued that greater attention should be paid to the other ways in which changes can be made to the Charter. The subsequent practice of member states and organs can play an important role in informing changes to the Charter's application. The idea that treaties can be modified through subsequent practice is not new under international law. While it was rejected as a principle that should be codified under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, its utility is being presently re-considered by the International Law Commission. However, the functional potential of this doctrine vis-à-vis the Charter has attracted little academic scrutiny. This article pre-empts some of the issues that will be examined by the Commission, arguing that it is time to expand the role of subsequent practice, by not only using practice to inform interpretations to the Charter, but to embrace the opportunity for amendments to be also made through the subsequent practice of parties. This approach promises to open up greater prospects for the Charter's revitalisation. If the conditions for modification are carefully considered, the doctrine can be a useful instrument for Charter reform.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Henquet

International organizations are regularly sued before the Dutch courts. This should come as no surprise, since the Netherlands hosts no fewer than 33 of such organizations. While major cases date back to the landmark judgment in the Spaans v. Iran-United States Claims Tribunal case, the recent case of Stichting Mothers of Srebrenica et al. v. United Nations brought to the fore important unresolved issues which relate to the perceived conflicting obligations of states. On the one hand, States must accord immunity to international organizations; on the other, they must provide claimants with access to justice. Complicating circumstances in the Srebrenica case were the operation of the priority rule under Article 103 of the United Nations Charter, and the lack of alternative remedies against the United Nations. This paper highlights these unresolved issues, and considers how the courts interpret and apply the ‘functional immunity’ test. It then examines how to resolve the perceived tension between the obligations of states to accord immunity and to grant access to justice.


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandru Grigorescu

Many intergovernmental organizations (IOs) have recently established offices of internal oversight. Yet scandals such as the one surrounding the Oil-for-Food Program in the United Nations have revealed serious flaws in the design of these institutions, especially their lack of independence from top administrators of the bureaucracies that they are supposed to oversee. This study argues that this is due, in great part, to the initial use of an imperfect domestic model. It shows that, in addition to using a flawed model as a starting point for negotiations, states and IO officials intentionally weakened oversight offices even more. The study argues that member-states need to quickly give such offices increased independence in order to make them more effective and to avoid the continued erosion of the legitimacy of IOs.


Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.


Author(s):  
Ramesh Thakur

The very destructiveness of nuclear weapons makes them unusable for ethical and military reasons. The world has placed growing restrictions on the full range of nuclear programs and activities. But with the five NPT nuclear powers failing to eliminate nuclear arsenals, other countries acquiring the bomb, arms control efforts stalled, nuclear risks climbing, and growing awareness of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear war, the United Nations adopted a new treaty to ban the bomb. Some technical anomalies between the 1968 and 2017 treaties will need to be harmonized and the nuclear-armed states’ rejection of the ban treaty means it will not eliminate any nuclear warheads. However, it will have a significant normative impact in stigmatizing the possession, use and threat of use of nuclear weapons and serve as a tool for civil society to mobilize domestic and world public opinion against the doctrine of nuclear deterrence.


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. J. Hudson

Relations between Australia and Indonesia became strained within months of Indonesia's attainment of independence, deteriorating as conflict developed first on the question of West Irian and then as a result of Indonesia's hostility towards Malaysia. For many years, it seemed ironical that Australia should have played a major part in the emergence of a neighbour whose external policies and internal trends endangered rather than safeguarded Australian interests. But there is more involved here than historical irony in the context of Australian-Indonesian relations. Sufficient time has now elapsed for Australian policy on the Indonesian independence question to be seen in the wider context of the whole postwar phenomenon of decolonisation. For it is not merely of interest that Australia should have assisted neighbouring Asian rebels against a European colonial Power (remembering that Australia herself was, and is, a European colonial Power) and should then have been embarrassed by the activities of the rebels coming to office. It is of greater interest that, of the immense number of colonial issues anxiously engaging the attention of international society in the 1940s and 1950s, the years which saw the virtual demise of western colonialism, this was the one issue on which Australia took up the rebel cause. Throughout this period and irrespective of the complexion of the parties in power in Canberra, Australia persistently jeopardised her regional objective of friendly relations with anti-colonial Asia by opposing strongly and, at times, bitterly the anti-colonial cause in the United Nations. If nothing else, the United Nations has provided a forum in which each year Australia and other members have been forced to declare themselves on colonial questions. And, until the 1960s when Australia switched policy, Australia fought against all the anti-colonial Powers' largely successful attempts to have developed a system of international control over colonies under the authority of Chapter XI (“Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories”) of the United Nations charter, to tighten the trusteeship system of supervision erected under Chapters XII and XIII of the charter, and to involve the United Nations in particular disputes so as to meet alleged threats to peace — all of them being attempts, however indirectly, to hasten the attainment of independence by dependent territories. Thus, Australia supported South Africa on South-West Africa, the Netherlands on West New Guinea, the British on Southern Rhodesia and Oman, the Portuguese on their African territories, the French on Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. But Australia opposed the Netherlands on the Indonesian question.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6382
Author(s):  
Harald Heinrichs ◽  
Norman Laws

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), was agreed upon by 193 member states of the United Nations in September 2015 [...]


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