Future Fear: Prenatal Duties Imposed By Private Parties

1991 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 411-434
Author(s):  
Renee I. Solomon

AbstractThe national abortion debate, rising drug use and homelessness, and the return to conservatism intersect in the trend which increasingly recognizes fetal rights, often at the expense of women's rights. Pregnant women, as never before, are faced with criminal charges and physical invasions in the name of protection of fetuses. This Note examines the sociological forces creating these situations and suggests better solutions. The Note cautions against the future fear that private parties will claim a legal right to interfere with a pregnant woman's behavior, and illustrates the need to prevent it.

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora S. Gustavsson ◽  
Ann E. MacEachron

Legal precedent for criminalizing the behavior of pregnant women has been established in an attempt to protect the fetus. Elevating fetal rights over maternal rights is based on questionable assumptions and inconclusive medical evidence. These criminalization policies are sexist and serve to victimize poor, pregnant women. This paper examines the evidence and policies and suggests an alternative policy approach to dealing with families with parental drug use issues.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Franklin

During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.


1997 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 531
Author(s):  
Joyce Gelb ◽  
Suzanne Uttaro Samuels

1994 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julianna S. Gonen

Author(s):  
Kate Hunt ◽  
Amanda Friesen

This study explores how social movement organisations involved in the abortion debate in the Republic of Ireland attempted to appeal to men in their campaign messages before the 2018 referendum on the Eighth Amendment concerning abortion. We scrape social movement organisations’ Twitter accounts to conduct quantitative and qualitative content analyses of images and videos the organisations posted, and find evidence that social movement organisations sometimes extended their frames to men as voters. Social movement organisations evoked themes of hegemonic masculinity in their imagery and messaging, though these themes were not a large portion of overall campaign tweets and there were distinct differences in how this was done by the two organisations we study. Previous research suggests anti-abortion organisations extend their frames to incorporate ‘pro-woman’ messaging. Our research contributes by exploring the ways that frames may be extended by both anti- and pro-abortion actors to target men and mobilise masculinity in public debates over women’s rights.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Social movement organisations may extend frames to target men and mobilise them as voters on women’s rights issues.</li><br /><li>Image analysis of social movement organisations’ online campaigns reveals how they used male identities to mobilise men.</li><br /><li>Hegemonic masculinity was evoked, though typically in ways that were consistent with social movement organisations’ general campaign strategies.</li></ul>


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maaike Voorhoeve

Since the 2011 revolution, Tunisia has been negotiating what it is to become, a processof rebirth in which women’s rights is key. The ongoing debates reflect a confrontation betweenthe feminist policies of Habib Bourguiba (the first president of the Tunisian republic) andalternative notions of women’s rights. In this article, I examine the debates that are currentlytaking place in Tunisia. I argue that the topic of women’s rights is crucial in the power strugglebetween the political elites within Tunisia. It is symbolic of the much wider battle over the future of the country. Moreover, the legislative outcomes of the debates are indicative for the postrevolutionary political dynamics, showing the strength of so-called secularists.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document