scholarly journals The Philippine Political Party System

1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl H. Lande

The main characteristics of the Philippine political party system since the achievement of Philippine independence in 1946 have been the following:1. It is a two party system. Two major parties, the Nacionalistas and the Liberals, dominate the scene. Their nation-wide combined vote at the six post-war presidential elections held since 1946 averaged 94 per cent of the votes cast. At both the eleven senatorial elections and the six elections for members of the House of Representatives held during the same period, the combined two-party vote was also 94 per cent. At the five gubernatorial elections held since 1947, the corresponding figure was 97 per cent.* In none of these election years did the combined two-party vote for any of these offices fall below 70 per cent.1 While minor parties have appeared from time to time, few have remained active for an extended period of years, and none has seriously threatened to replace either of the two existing major parties as the governing party or as the principal party of the opposition.

2020 ◽  
pp. 700-716
Author(s):  
Andrii Kudriachenko ◽  
Viktoriia Soloshenko

The article states that the political party system formed on the constitutional basis of the Basic Law of Germany is one of the key pillars of democracy of the German state. The Western German-style political party system, based on a substantial legal framework, political culture, and traditions, has convincingly proved its democratic spirit and viability over several decades of the post-war period. The effectiveness of this system was ensured by the presence of the two large parties, the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. The attractiveness of their policy priorities, broad political activity, and statist approaches made it possible to displace other, less influential, parties. The effectiveness and viability of the political party system of Germany are also proven by the course of the process of restoring the country’s state unity. The current period is characterised by systemic crisis phenomena, which have not spared German major parties. These processes are also taking place in other European countries, as previously stable parties transform over time into an idiosyncratic kind of political and technological institutions. For them, short-term success is a priority and is defined by the number of votes cast, rather than the focus on robust principles and visions of the future. However, it may be fair to claim that the whole previous experience testifies to the creativity of the political party system of post-war Germany, thus making the modern Federal Republic of Germany able to cope with contemporary problems and challenges. This is – and will be – buttressed by time and new approaches pursued by politicians, experts, and scholars as well as the previous practice of reaching compromises and social concord in the name of national interests. The political party system was and remains an important constituent of the entire state and political system of Germany. Keywords: political party system, Federal Republic of Germany, state system, Germany, Christian Democrats, Social Democrats.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-186
Author(s):  
Dennis Shoesmith

This study identifies and explains the factors that have shaped the evolution of the competitive political party system in East Timor from its beginnings in the 1970s to the difficult and sometimes violent transition since independence in 2002 towards a semi-developed competitive party system. It reviews the organizational character of the two major Parties: FRETILIN and the CNRT and the minor parties in the national parliament and the nature of intra-party factionalism in contemporary politics in what is an under-institutionalized and a predominantly personalistic system.


2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1010-1028 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lau Siu-kai ◽  
Kuan Hsin-chi

Hong Kong's political parties are now in decline after the return of the former British colony to China. The decline of political parties stands out in stark relief in a context featuring “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” and gradual democratization. A major reason for the decline is the stunted political party system of Hong Kong. Prominent in that stunted system is the absence of a ruling party. The stunted party system is primarily the result of Beijing's antipathy towards party politics in Hong Kong, which in turn discourages party formation by the Hong Kong government and the conservative elites. The lack of incentives for the business elites to organize political parties to protect their interests is another major reason. The stunted party system has produced serious adverse consequences for the governance of Hong Kong, representation of interests, public attitudes towards the political class and the further democratization of the territory.


Author(s):  
Amílcar Antonio Barreto

Puerto Ricans, US subjects since 1898, were naturalized en masse in 1917. Congress did so to eliminate the possibility of independence from the US. That citizenship is the cornerstone of island-mainland relations for those advocating a continued relationship with the United States—either in the form of the 1952 Commonwealth constitution or statehood. The epicenter of Puerto Rican partisan life remains the status question. This remarkably stable political party system featured two strong parties of near-equal strength—the pro-Commonwealth PPD and its statehood challenger, the PNP— and a small independence party, the PIP. A core feature of the PNP’s platform has been estadidad jíbara—"creole statehood.” In theory, a future State of Puerto Rico would be allowed to retain its cultural and linguistic autonomy while attaining full membership as the 51st state of the Union.


Author(s):  
Brendan O’Leary

The return of direct rule to Northern Ireland in 1972 and its mechanisms and conduct are outlined in this chapter. Their impact upon the local political party system is treated at length, as are the first consociational initiatives pursued under Conservative and Labour governments in the UK. The failure of the first peace process is considered, as well as Britain’s counterinsurgency policies and their limits. Criminalization, Ulsterization, and Normalization were the policies begun under Callaghan’s government and continued by the Conservatives until they were broken by the republican hunger strikes. The new consociational initiatives after the hunger strikes are examined.


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