Hong Kong's Stunted Political Party System

2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1010-1028 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lau Siu-kai ◽  
Kuan Hsin-chi
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
British Colony ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Representation Of Interests

Hong Kong's political parties are now in decline after the return of the former British colony to China. The decline of political parties stands out in stark relief in a context featuring “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” and gradual democratization. A major reason for the decline is the stunted political party system of Hong Kong. Prominent in that stunted system is the absence of a ruling party. The stunted party system is primarily the result of Beijing's antipathy towards party politics in Hong Kong, which in turn discourages party formation by the Hong Kong government and the conservative elites. The lack of incentives for the business elites to organize political parties to protect their interests is another major reason. The stunted party system has produced serious adverse consequences for the governance of Hong Kong, representation of interests, public attitudes towards the political class and the further democratization of the territory.

Uruguay’s Stability and Change in an Institutionalized Party System

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Piñeiro Rodríguez ◽  
Fabrizio Scrollini Mendez
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Universal Healthcare ◽  
System P ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Marriage Laws ◽  
Progressive Reforms ◽  
The Cold War

Uruguay is considered one of the most democratic, transparent, and stable countries in the world, an outlier in the Latin American context. The institutionalized nature of Uruguay’s party system contributed significantly to democracy, but was not sufficient to prevent a military dictatorship period in the context of the Cold War (1973–1984). Eventually, the political party system adapted to accommodate the emergence of the Broad Front (left), which gained the most votes of any political party in 1999 and won the election in 2005. The recent wave of progressive reforms in Uruguay, such as the introduction of universal healthcare, abortion laws, same-sex marriage laws, and cannabis legalization can be explained by the strong links political parties (particularly on the left) maintain with social movements. Further, this link also helps to explain the legitimacy that political parties still retain in Uruguay. Nevertheless, Uruguayan democracy faces challenges in terms of transparency, equality, and the risk of democratic “deconsolidation.”

scholarly journals Revolution from Below: Cleavage Displacement and the Collapse of Elite Politics in Bolivia

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-250
Author(s):  
Jean-Paul Faguet
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Folk Theorem ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Social Cleavage

For fifty years, Bolivia’s political party system was a surprisingly robust component of an otherwise fragile democracy, withstanding coups, hyperinflation, guerrilla insurgencies, and economic chaos. Why did it suddenly collapse around 2002? This article offers a theoretical lens combining cleavage theory with Schattschneider’s concept of competitive dimensions for an empirical analysis of the structural and ideological characteristics of Bolivia’s party system from 1952 to 2010. Politics shifted from a conventional left-right axis of competition, unsuited to Bolivian society, to an ethnic/rural–cosmopolitan/urban axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. That shift fatally undermined elite parties and facilitated the rise of structurally and ideologically distinct organizations, as well as a new indigenous political class, that transformed the country’s politics. Decentralization and political liberalization were the triggers that politicized Bolivia’s latent cleavage, sparking revolution from below. The article suggests a folk theorem of identitarian cleavage and outlines a mechanism linking deep social cleavage to sudden political change.

Political parties and policy analysis in Colombia

2020 ◽  
pp. 241-256
Author(s):  
Sebastián Líppez-De Castro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Historical Trajectory

This chapter traces the development of the political party system in Colombia, focusing on characteristics related to their production or consumption of policy analysis. It stresses that political parties will not fully utilize policy analysis to guide their decisions and priorities, as long as clientelistic linkages prevail. It also mentions the third or nongovernmental sector, which is increasingly recognized as an important policy actor or potential policy actor in all countries. The chapter describes the historical trajectory of the Colombian party system, its make-up in the 21st century, and key institutional features affecting parties' use of policy analysis. It identifies some of the mechanisms through which 21st-century Colombian political parties produce or rely on policy analysis.

scholarly journals Model Setting of Political Party System and Electoral Systems to Prevent Political Corruption

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Agus Riwanto ◽  
Achmad Achmad
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Mixed Model ◽  
Research Result ◽  
Election System ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Recruitment Model ◽  
Legislative Election

Abstract. This study aims to analyze and examine the causes of political parties to systemic corruption and efforts to save them from corruption. Political parties are important actors in democracy in a country. Democracy manifests in the form of election, the main actor of the election is a political party. If the main actor of corruption is confirmed, democracy and elections will fall. The result is a bad stigma in political parties: democracy yes political party no. Based on the research result that the cause of political party of corruption: First, the placement of political party as an important agent in state structure of Indonesia Post-amendment of 1945 Constitution, but it is not balanced with recruitment model of political party cadre that meritokratic, integrity and, responsibility to the public. Secondly, financing for running the organization of political parties is very expensive, especially if the political parties are projected to win the seats of DPR / D, governor/regent/mayor and president. Third, the choice of model of legislative election system in 2009 and 2014 based on Law Number 10 Year 2008 and Law Number 12 the Year 2012 on General Election of DPR, DPD, and DPRD (Indonesian Legislative Election) members are the most open-based voting proportional system. The recommendations for reforms to save political parties from corruption through party system and election system aspects are (1) to improve the recruitment model of political party cadre; (2) making alternative for financing model of political party organization; (3) tightening the requirements of political parties into election participants; (4) eliciting election costs by returning to open proportional systems with sequence numbers, and (5) designing alternative mixed-model electoral systems.Keywords: Arrangements, models, political parties, general elections and political corruptionAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengkaji tentang penyebab partai politik (parpol) melakukan korupsi sistemik dan upaya menyelamatkannya dari korupsi. Parpol adalah aktor penting dalam demokrasi di sebuah negara. Demokrasi terwujud dalam bentuk pemilu, aktor utama pemilu adalah parpol. Jika aktor utamanya korupsi dipastikan demokrasi dan pemilunya terpuruk. Akibatnya muncul stigma buruk pada parpol: demokrasi yes parpol no. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum empirisis (sosiologis) yang bersifat diskriptif-eksplanatoris. Karena penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif, maka cara memperoleh data dilakukan dengan studi pustaka dan observasi. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori korupsi politik, teori sistem kepartaian dan teori sistem pemilu. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian bahwa penyebab parpol korupsi: Pertama, ditempatkannya parpol sebagai agen penting bernegara dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pascaamandemen UUD 1945, namun tidak diimbangi dengan model rekruitmen kader parpol yang meritokratis, berintegritas dan tanggungjawab pada publik. Kedua, pembiayaan menjalankan roda organisasi parpol sangat mahal, apalagi jika parpol diproyeksikan untuk meraih kursi DPR/D, gubernur/bupati/walikota dan presiden. Ketiga, pilihan model sistem pemilu legislatif tahun 2009 dan 2014 berdasarkan UU No.10/2008 dan UU No.12/2012 Tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD adalah sistem proporsional terbuka berbasis suara terbanyak. Adapun rekomendasi untuk reformasi menyelamatkan parpol dari korupsi melalui aspek sistem kepartaian dan sistem pemilu adalah, (1) memperbaiki model rekruitmen kader parpol; (2) membuat alternatif model pembiayaan organisasi parpol; (3) memperketat syarat parpol menjadi peserta pemilu; (4) mempermurah biaya pemilu dengan kembali ke sistem proporsional terbuka dengan nomor urut, dan (5) merancang alternatif sistem pemilu model campuran.Kata Kunci: Pengaturan, model, parpol, pemilu dan korupsi politik

scholarly journals Party system nationalization in Estonia

Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Lanko ◽  
Irina S. Lantsova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
Local Levels

This article explores the Estonian ‘integration’ project, which was launched in the early 1990s to bridge the differences between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians by assimilating the latter with the former. Since the project will soon turn thirty, it is timely to ask whether it has been a success. This article employs Grigorii Golosov’s index of political party nationalization to understand whether the ‘integration’ project has helped to narrow the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians. In other words, the study asks whether ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians vote for the same political parties in comparable proportions or there are ‘Estonian’ and ‘Russian’ parties in the country. The analysis of the outcomes of four local and four parliamentary elections that took place in Estonia in 2005—2019 shows that by the mid-2000s Estonia achieved a considerable level of political party system nationalization at both national and local levels. At the national level, political party system nationalization remained high in 2007—2019 despite significant changes in the country’s political party system. At the local level, however, political party system nationalization has been diminishing since 2013, leading one to conclude that the Estonian ‘integration’ project has failed to close the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians.

IX

2018 ◽  
pp. 355-368
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Party System

This chapter is an addendum to Sahajanand’s main narrative which ended with imprisonment in April 1940. He actually wrote this part during 1946 to make his narrative up to date. He differed with the Congress decision to launch the Quit India Movement in August 1942 as he felt the situation had radically changed with Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union. The world in general and India in particular was faced with the prospect of the fascist menace. It was during this phase that most of the political parties emerged from the Kisan Sabha and the Communist Party of India tried to take over the All India Kisan Sabha. Sahajanand became very critical of the political party system and reiterated his final decision never to join any political party. His narrative ends with a reference to the Dumraon struggle against the Dumraon Raja.

scholarly journals The Dichotomy Between Large and Small Political Parties

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Pieter Labuschagne
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
New Entrants

This article investigates new political party formation in South Africa within the broader context of voter volatility. The political party system has displayed high levels of stability, but the unrestrained and rampant formation of new political parties that contest in each election could destabilise the system. The number of entrants rose to an unprecedented 28 before the 2019 elections and contradicts the support for older, established parties in each election since 1994. In theory, the within-system stability in South Africa, with an on average 90% voter share between established parties, impedes the scope for the formation of new smaller parties. In reality, support for new parties remains low. This article explores why this does not serve as a deterrent for the formation of new parties. The article shows that despite the increasing number of new entrants, their impact on stability and consolidation in the country is negligible.

Need for Achievement and Competitiveness as Determinants of Political Party Success in Elections and Coalitions

1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 1207-1220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Bueno de Mesquita
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Data Base ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Need For Achievement ◽  
Competitive Strategies ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Political Party System

Need for achievement and strategic predispositions among political party elites are hypothesized to have an important impact on the success parties enjoy in elections and in coalitions. More specifically, this study develops and tests a model which suggests that parties whose leaders have high need for achievement and are predisposed to pursue a mixed competitive/cooperative strategy are more likely to do well in elections and in coalitions than are parties whose leaders are low in need for achievement and oriented to either cooperative or competitive strategies.When the Indian political party system between 1967 and 1971 is used as the data base, the success or failure of political parties is correctly predicted by need for achievement for thirteen out of fourteen variables. By means of multiple regression analysis, as much as seventy-two per cent of the variance in the electoral success of Indian parties is explained by the model.

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