The International Standing of the Republic of China on Taiwan

1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1319-1339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda

In the 1990s Taiwan began to pose a complex new challenge to the international community. At issue is Taiwan's attempt to revise the so-called “one China” policy as it had been previously understood. By seeking to be treated as a separate state that was distinct from mainland China, Taiwan was embarking on a new approach that confronted the Beijing government with what it saw as the totally unacceptable prospect of secession by a renegade province that would in effect subvert China's unity and national coherence.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-86
Author(s):  
Isabelle Cheng

This article examines the role assigned to citizens by the ideology of authoritarianism in the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek's war to retake mainland China and the wartime regime constructed for fighting that war. Viewing Chiang's ambition of retaking China by force as an anti-communist nationalist war, this paper considers this prolonged civil war as Chiang's attempt at restoring the impaired sovereignty of the Republic of China. Adopting the concept of “necropolitics,” this paper argues that what underlay the planning for war was the manipulation of the life and death of the citizenry and a distinction drawn between the Chinese nation to be saved and the condemned communist Other. This manipulation and demarcation was institutionally enforced by an authoritarian government that violated citizens' human rights for the sake of winning the nationalist war.


Author(s):  
Fredy González

As the Cold War dragged on and the Republic of China failed to effect its reconquest of mainland China, not all Chinese Mexicans continued to support the Republic of China. Some defected to support the People’s Republic of China, or openly traveled to mainland China or expressed their reservations about the ROC. For this, they were exposed as subversives and surveilled by the ROC, Mexican, and US governments. This chapter illustrates how transnational causes could have local repercussions, as some Chinese Mexicans began to chafe under their relationship with the ROC.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 246
Author(s):  
Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai

<p>This article aims to describe about my analysis of Cooper (2009) perspective in how we understand Taiwan as identity. There are two perspective that to see Taiwan in recent day. First of all, for nation who believe One China Policy, they assume that Taiwan is a province of People Republic of China which is Taiwan is part of Beijing government. Secondly, for nation who do not believe it, they assume that Taiwan is independence identity, a nation identity, and also sovereign country which is separated from mainland China influences. In this discourse about how we understand Taiwan,  this article is going to review from John F. Cooper which is in his book, Taiwan: nation state or province?. This book not only discuss how we can see Taiwan, however, how Taiwan in the future in political dynamic especially after US president Donald Trump who intent to support Taiwan as independence identity. </p>


1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1260-1283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Pierre Cabestan

Since 1949, the spectre of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has constantly dominated Taiwan's political stage. The PRC was considered until the mid-1960s by Chiang Kai-shek, then President of the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCOT), as a part of the country to be reconquered from the Communist bandits (gongfei). And since the United States′ de-recognition in 1979 the reunification with mainland China has remained one of the key official objectives of the Nationalist regime.


1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1072-1090 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramon H. Myers

In 1994 one commentator described Taiwan's people as having “been nurtured and cultivated to acquire the characteristics of an ocean. Their former conservative character, like that of traditional China's, has been remoulded into another only concerned with goals and caring nothing about principles.”1 Another commentator has depicted the island's “break toward an independent existence of its own – neither Chinese, Japanese, or American but thriving on the synergism generated by all three – [is] partly due to its location, its strong economy, its strong defences, and its status as a world trader.”2 Unlike the Chinese people of mainland China, then, Taiwan's people have closely interacted with other peoples and civilizations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Dalma Nemeskéri ◽  
Iván Zádori

After the de facto separation of China in 1949, the international community was divided on the issue which government represents the Chinese nation as a whole. Until the 1970s the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan maintained its seat in the UN, and formal ties to a significant number of countries. However, by the end of this decade, in 1980, Taipei government was left with merely 22 diplomatic allies. Our article focuses on the position of Taiwan after this shift, examining the regime’s perception of the effects of recognition and derecognition. As the Taipei government has put significant efforts into the preservation (and expansion) of diplomatic relations with states that are not considered globally influential, we examined what possible effects and consequences these ties can have on the international legal status of the entity. It has to be noted that for this purpose, only the official relations, and diplomatic allies of the ROC were considered. After describing the diplomatic activities of Taiwan, and the shifts in the number of its diplomatic allies (between 1988–2020), we found three main areas which are positively affected by these ties. They provide basis for the regime’s claim to sovereignty and statehood, and they enhance Taiwanese presence in international institutions (and indicate the unresolved nature of the entity’s international legal status). Most importantly, they help to maintain the international nature of the cross-strait conflict and contribute to preserve the status quo.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


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