scholarly journals The Importance of Diplomacy

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Dalma Nemeskéri ◽  
Iván Zádori

After the de facto separation of China in 1949, the international community was divided on the issue which government represents the Chinese nation as a whole. Until the 1970s the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan maintained its seat in the UN, and formal ties to a significant number of countries. However, by the end of this decade, in 1980, Taipei government was left with merely 22 diplomatic allies. Our article focuses on the position of Taiwan after this shift, examining the regime’s perception of the effects of recognition and derecognition. As the Taipei government has put significant efforts into the preservation (and expansion) of diplomatic relations with states that are not considered globally influential, we examined what possible effects and consequences these ties can have on the international legal status of the entity. It has to be noted that for this purpose, only the official relations, and diplomatic allies of the ROC were considered. After describing the diplomatic activities of Taiwan, and the shifts in the number of its diplomatic allies (between 1988–2020), we found three main areas which are positively affected by these ties. They provide basis for the regime’s claim to sovereignty and statehood, and they enhance Taiwanese presence in international institutions (and indicate the unresolved nature of the entity’s international legal status). Most importantly, they help to maintain the international nature of the cross-strait conflict and contribute to preserve the status quo.

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 2050003
Author(s):  
Francisco B. S. José Leandro ◽  
Danilo Lemos Henriques

This paper will examine the interplay and relationship between bilateral diplomatic relations and economic relations through the lens of political factors, examining the concrete case of the Republic of Portugal and the People’s Republic of China. It will consider their common past — the nations’ historical similarities, their common aims and ideological differences, and analyze the alignment and the synergy developed in the modern era in developing common platforms of aims and will, in terms of political agenda-setting, such as through the issue of the status of the territory of Macao and the relationship with Portuguese-speaking countries (PSCs). It further analyzes the past few decades through the signing of diplomatic protocols, engaged bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacies, and growing commerce and trade links to identify the key trends and extrapolate relevant correlations. We examine the progresses in the relationship between the advancement of Sino-Portuguese diplomatic relations and the development of economic interplay post the 1979 period, following the formal establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations. We argue in favor of an existing positive correlation between acts of economic diplomacy and the development of bilateral economic relations. This paper presents a methodological, theoretical-inductive, and constructivist perspective, combining qualitative, quantitative, and non-participated observation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-86
Author(s):  
Isabelle Cheng

This article examines the role assigned to citizens by the ideology of authoritarianism in the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek's war to retake mainland China and the wartime regime constructed for fighting that war. Viewing Chiang's ambition of retaking China by force as an anti-communist nationalist war, this paper considers this prolonged civil war as Chiang's attempt at restoring the impaired sovereignty of the Republic of China. Adopting the concept of “necropolitics,” this paper argues that what underlay the planning for war was the manipulation of the life and death of the citizenry and a distinction drawn between the Chinese nation to be saved and the condemned communist Other. This manipulation and demarcation was institutionally enforced by an authoritarian government that violated citizens' human rights for the sake of winning the nationalist war.


Author(s):  
Fredy González

The Chinese Civil War and the advent of the People’s Republic of China represented a profound challenge to the international legitimacy of the Republic of China, now on Taiwan. This chapter chronicles the efforts by ROC ambassador Feng-shan Ho to cultivate a relationship with Chinese Mexicans to present a positive image of the ROC and encourage the Mexican government to maintain diplomatic relations. This especially took place during the annual pilgrimage to the Basílica de Guadalupe and the Chinese Mexican response to the 1963 Economic and Commercial Exposition of the People’s Republic of China. Chinese Mexicans, far from being tools of the Republic of China, used such instances of public diplomacy to enhance their own image.


1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1319-1339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda

In the 1990s Taiwan began to pose a complex new challenge to the international community. At issue is Taiwan's attempt to revise the so-called “one China” policy as it had been previously understood. By seeking to be treated as a separate state that was distinct from mainland China, Taiwan was embarking on a new approach that confronted the Beijing government with what it saw as the totally unacceptable prospect of secession by a renegade province that would in effect subvert China's unity and national coherence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Dunn ◽  
Joshua D. Jensen

Taiwan, formerly known as ilha Formosa (the beautiful island), and officially known today as the Republic of China, is an island situated approximately 250 kilometers off the east coast of China. The Republic of China has a population of 23.5 million and boasts the largest economy of any non-member of the United Nations. The People’s Republic of China has continued to claim sovereignty over Taiwan, and refuses to engage in diplomatic relations with any nation that recognizes the Republic of China. United States policy toward Taiwan has been tentative and ambiguous, with inconsistent messages among various presidential administrations over the years. The question before the Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China, and indeed, the entire world, is whether the Republic of China should become an independent country, become a fully integrated part of the People’s Republic of China and come under the jurisdiction of Beijing, or continue to walk a middle road between these two alternatives. The authors propose that a date certain be set for reunification of Taiwan and China, and work begin to bring about an amenable resolution.


Author(s):  
Feruza Khasanova ◽  

This article discusses the situation in Chinese linguistics before the founding of the Republic of China, the status of the Baihua language, the “may 4 movement” for the Baihua language and its consequences. As a result of the widespread introduction of the Baihua language, which served as an important factor in the formation of the modern Chinese language, a number of reforms were carried out in Chinese linguistics. The relevance of each reform gained practical significance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbuzeni Mathenjwa

The history of local government in South Africa dates back to a time during the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. With regard to the status of local government, the Union of South Africa Act placed local government under the jurisdiction of the provinces. The status of local government was not changed by the formation of the Republic of South Africa in 1961 because local government was placed under the further jurisdiction of the provinces. Local government was enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa arguably for the first time in 1993. Under the interim Constitution local government was rendered autonomous and empowered to regulate its affairs. Local government was further enshrined in the final Constitution of 1996, which commenced on 4 February 1997. The Constitution refers to local government together with the national and provincial governments as spheres of government which are distinctive, interdependent and interrelated. This article discusses the autonomy of local government under the 1996 Constitution. This it does by analysing case law on the evolution of the status of local government. The discussion on the powers and functions of local government explains the scheme by which government powers are allocated, where the 1996 Constitution distributes powers to the different spheres of government. Finally, a conclusion is drawn on the legal status of local government within the new constitutional dispensation.


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