Gregory IX, Frederick II, and the Liberation of the Holy Land, 1230-9

2000 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 192-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Björn Weiler

Gregory IX is rarely associated with the affairs of the Holy Land. In fact, he is most widely known for initiating the conflict between imperial and papal authority which was to occupy European society for most of the thirteenth century. After all, the conflict with Emperor Frederick II had been among the defining features of Gregory’s pontificate. In September 1227, barely six months into office, he excommunicated Frederick, and in 1241 he died after a failed attempt to try Frederick before a general council. Consequently, the period of concord between 1230, when peace was made with Frederick in the Treaty of San Germano, and March 1239, when the Emperor was excommunicated for a second time, has been described as an interlude, a breathing space, allowing both Frederick and Gregory to muster the means and arguments for their final show-down.

1967 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. R. Cheney

The relations of England with the Curia in the thirteenth century is hardly a subject neglected by historians. From A. L. Smith to C. H. Lawrence stretches a long line of scholars who have been concerned during the last sixty years or so with the impact of papal authority on this country in that century. Meanwhile, on the continent, the vast output of studies on papal doctrine and curial machinery elucidate the particular question of England's links with Rome. When so much has been written, and where so many experts are in the room, it is temerarious to say more. I do not intend to present a startling new view of Anglo-papal relations in the time of Innocent III. My object is much more modest. For the last few years Mrs. Cheney and I have been tracing as much as possible of the correspondence between the Roman Curia and England during that pontificate, 1198–1216. All I want to do is to offer a few facts and figures and reflexions which come from our search.


Author(s):  
Hanna Vorholt

This chapter focuses on two closely related diagrammatic maps of Jerusalem and the Holy Land in two thirteenth-century manuscripts now in Brussels (Bibliothèque Royale, MS IV 462) and London (British Library, MS Harley 658). On the basis of a comparison between the maps and their transmission contexts it is argued that the maps served as didactic tools, aiding the study of biblical history. The layout of the maps is analysed in relation to wider developments in Western medieval manuscript production and learning during the second half of the twelfth and first half of the thirteenth centuries, particularly in relation to the emphasis on a more systematic and rigorous structuring of knowledge. The manuscripts are seen as indicative of how topographical information concerning the Holy Land was put to use in biblical study, and of how scholasticism could have influenced the ways in which Jerusalem was represented and perceived.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Spencer

The scant attention anger has received in a crusading context has focused almost exclusively on positive manifestations of that emotion, especially ira per zelum (anger through zeal). It is contended here that the importance of crusading in providing a setting for the legitimate outpouring of anger against non-Latins has been overstated. While zelus and the idea of crusading as vengeance continued to intersect and to be espoused after 1216, the terminus date of Susanna Throop’s 2011 study, zelus proves to be an ambiguous term, and one relatively poorly attested in twelfth- and thirteenth-century narratives of the crusades. Moreover, when the semantic field is broadened to encompass other anger terms, it becomes clear that anger was not an integral component of crusading ideology; and a close reading of accounts of righteous wrath, especially in relation to rulers, suggests that crusading did little to popularize or modify pre-existing attitudes towards anger in western Europe.


Author(s):  
Eitan P. Fishbane

The first chapter sets the stage for the broader project of the book; it begins with the idea that the Zohar may be approached as a classic of literary art, probing how the term “classic” has been used in the study of religion and philosophical hermeneutics. I will delve into the following issues: the contours of a literary approach to the Zohar and its relationship to the evolution of zoharic authorship and redaction theory; explore the nexus of mysticism and literature (both narrative and poetry) in comparative perspective; address the relationship between fiction, imagined history, and the merging of time between the medieval and (imagined) ancient periods; and explore the manner in which the Zohar operates with a diasporic-exilic consciousness, imagining the Holy Land from the distance of thirteenth-century Castile.


2006 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRIAN R. CARNIELLO

Scholars generally associate the Order of Apostles, founded around 1260 by Gerardo Segarelli in Parma, Italy, with medieval heresies. This article analyses the leading source for the first three decades of the Apostles, the chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene de Adam of Parma, and casts Segarelli and the Apostle friars instead as thirteenth-century mendicants who rivalled the Franciscans in the Emilia, the Romagna and the March of Ancona. Salimbene's depiction of Gerardo Segarelli focuses on the chronicler's desire to recreate his rival as an inversion of Francis of Assisi and Franciscan ideals. Gerardo Segarelli emerges in the account as an anti-Francis. Yet only after 1274, when the Second Council of Lyons ordered a general suppression of all religious movements founded after Fourth Lateran in 1215, did the situation change slowly for Segarelli's followers as opponents began to question their obedience to papal authority. Gerardo Segarelli and the Apostle friars ultimately faced condemnation as heretics, but not before the 1290s. Salimbene's chronicle, written in the 1280s, should not be taken as a source for a ‘Segarellian heresy’ launched by a ‘heresiarch’ in the Joachite year 1260, but as a source for mendicant rivalry in the thirteenth century that was deeply passionate in its rhetoric and invective.


Author(s):  
Abigail Brundin ◽  
Deborah Howard ◽  
Mary Laven

This chapter explores the transmission of religious objects, ideas, and practices between the household and the wider community. Occupying a central place in the discussion is the Holy House of Loreto, the Virgin’s own home, which was supposedly transported by angels in the thirteenth century from the Holy Land to the Papal States. Despite Counter-Reformation attempts to impose boundaries between sacred and profane space, the Italian Renaissance casa was not a bounded, sealed space but was infinitely receptive to outside influences. In attending to thresholds, this final chapter insists on a fluid conception of the home: a locale with a special place in the divine cosmos, protected by Christ, the Virgin, and saints and open to the presence of the supernatural.


Traditio ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 153-231
Author(s):  
A. J. Forey

The early expansion of Islam led in time to widespread conversions of Christians in conquered territories. In the later eleventh century, however, western Christendom was in turn launching offensives against Islam on several fronts. Territorial gains were made in various Mediterranean regions and, although by the end of the thirteenth century the Holy Land had been lost again, Sicily remained in Christian hands, and in the second half of the thirteenth century in the Iberian peninsula only Granada remained under Muslim control: the whole peninsula was under Christian rule before the end of the fifteenth century. This expansion was accompanied, especially in the thirteenth century, by attempts to convert Muslims and other non-Christians. Yet in the period from the late eleventh until the later fifteenth century some western Christians converted to Islam. The purpose of the present paper is to consider the situations that prompted the adoption of Islam, and the reasons for such conversions, although the evidence is usually insufficient to indicate exactly why a particular Christian became a Muslim: the preconceived ideas voiced in western sources about forced conversions can be misleading and, although a crude distinction might be made between conversions from conviction and those based on worldly considerations, motives did not necessarily always fit neatly into just one of these two categories. But obviously not all converts would have had an equal understanding of the nature of Islamic beliefs and practices. The response of western ecclesiastical and secular authorities to renegades will also be considered. Further conversions of Christian peoples who had already for centuries been living under Muslim rule will not be examined, but only the adoption of Islam by those whose origins lay in western Christian countries or who were normally resident in these, and by westerners whose lands were newly conquered by Muslim powers after the eleventh century; and the focus will be mainly, though not exclusively, on the crusader states and the Iberian peninsula.


Author(s):  
LUO WANG

Crusade preaching in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries has often been studied as a centralised programme devised and deployed by the papacy for reform purposes. This article examines the career of John of Cantimpré, a relatively low-profile priest operating at the local level, who none the less was deeply engaged in crusade campaigns as integral to the moral reform of European society. This study first analyses an unusually sophisticated ritual performance in which a usurer was transformed into a crusader as part of a preaching event orchestrated by John of Cantimpré on the eve of the Fourth Crusade, and then investigates the representation of him as a methodical preacher who associated local concerns, such as usury and predatory lordship, with the crusading enterprise.


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